Professor De Kock se hele loopbaan as skolier, student, dosent en akademikus was gekenmerk deur harde werk, nougesette deursettingsvermoë, die strewe na hoë standaarde, en toewyding. Hy het baie hoë eise aan homself gestel, en niks minder van ander verwag nie. Dit was, byvoorbeeld, jarelank sy gewoonte om soggens om vieruur vir 'n paar uur Griekse woordeskat te leer. Hy het ure aan die voorbereiding van sy lesings gewy. Menige student sal kan getuig van die ywer waarmee hy klas gegee het, die vlak van voorbereidheid, die hoeveelheid bordkryt wat hy in 'n periode kon opgebruik, die intense belangstelling in hulle werk en lewens. Hy het hulle name en al hulle punte in 'n sakboekie altyd by hom gehad. Hulle het altyd geweet hy was aan hulle kant.
It is shown that in Livy's books 21-45 there exists a nearly perfect pattern regarding the beginnings and endings of books: the first books of decades are introduced by preambles; of the remaining books, with one exception, only the second, sixth, and tenth of each decade begin with new consular years, while elsewhere year-reports run over from one book into the next. The result is a curious 'grouping' of books in a 1+4+4+1 pattern. It is suggested that this was in some way meant to underscore the decadic compositional framework of Livy's huge uvre, but that it also shows up its original publication by pentads.
The two most basic problems concerning the work of Calpurnius Siculus are the question of dating the poems and the almost complete lack of a full and detailed literary analysis and interpretation of the poems. Although he is chronologically probably the next pastoral poet after Vergil, his work is almost unknown today. Despite this, he is generally regarded as a most unoriginal artist. However, a close study of his poems will reveal a fair measure of experimentation. A case in point is his treatment of the Golden Age myth in Eclogues 1 and 4. His own contribution has , however, been largely overshadowed by the many echoes, especially from Vergil.
The purpose of this article is therefore to determine if he applied the traditional elements of the myth creatively and whether he made any original contributions. Since Eclogue 1 is by far the more interesting, this will be dealt with in greater detail.
A merely superficial reading of kontakion 49 (Oxf.) of Romanos on the prodigal son reveals that, far from rendering a slavish paraphrase of this parable, he has transformed it into a eucharistic metaphor. In his interpretation or exegetical presentation of this parable, Romanos has made use of a homily attributed to Pseudo-Chrysostom. In both texts the first part of the parable is either merely referred to (Romanos) or only briefly touched upon (Pseudo-Chrysostom), the main focus being on the joy experienced by the father at the return of his lost son, as well as on the description of the banquet. The final scene of the parable, involving the elder son, is in both texts also concluded in more definite and positive terms as to the elder brother's final attitude towards the conduct of his father with regard to the prodigal son. This differs conspicuously from the biblical text itself, in which we have an open-end conclusion. The aim of this paper is to analyse this transformation of the parable into a eucharistic metaphor. It will focus on both the different elements constituting this metaphor and the way in which this transformation has been effected.
In the winter of AD 39/40 the emperor Caligula was based at Lyons for a considerable time. It was in the aftermath of a most dangerous crisis in his brief reign. The favourite for the succession, M. Aemilius Lepidus, had earlier been executed on the accusation of having conspired against Caligula. The latter's sisters, Agrippina and Livilla, were accused of having entertained improper relations with Lepidus and were subsequently banished. The governor of Upper Germany, Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Gaetulicus, had been executed 'ob detecta nefaria con[silia in Germani]cum'. At Lyons Caligula organised two auctions, one of the possessions of his sisters, the other of imperial paraphernalia. This particular episode of the emperor's stay in Gaul is presented by our sources as a continuation of his tyrannical performance in Rome. Several aspects of the auctions, however, do not tally with that picture and have to be explained in a different way. As will be shown in detail, there is some justification for arguing that at the second auction Caligula was playing the benevolent prince rather than the cruel tyrant.
In the controversy over the date of the embassy - 144/3 or 140/39 BC - the evidence on the career of Panaitios of Rhodes, who accompanied it, provides unexpected support for the earlier date. Cicero's testimony is vindicated against those who have preferred to rely on interpretation of Diodoros and his source Poseidonios.
The career of L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus (cos.49) was by no criterion a success story. He is given particularly harsh treatment in Caesar's Bellum Civile, where he takes the lead in opposing Caesar in early 49. The reason may be that Caesar had expected his support as consul, and continued to hope for it until 48, using Balbus as a go-between.
This is a truly noteworthy publication. The views expressed have been developed and enriched over a period by intercontinental dialogue and consultation - by large and helpful audiences and numerous individuals, from Princeton to Perth, and from Marburg to Melbourne (Badian 199 n. 71) - generously acknowledged. It is a repository of papers read to the Oxford Philological Society and to the Institute of Classical Studies in London, followed by vigorous discussion, and eventually drafted in St. John's College at Oxford.