Afstammeling van 'n Switserse familie waarvan die stamboom tot 1550 teruggevoer kan word, en kleinseun van die befaamde Henri Gonin wat in 1868 die sendingstasie te Saulspoort gestig het, is Henri Louis Gonin op 3 Desember 1906 in Stellenbosch gebore. Sy vader, Charlie Gonin, was die Duitse onderwyser aan 'n plaaslike hoërskool en Henri matrikuleer in 1923 aan die Stellenbosse Seunskool waar hy onder andere in Grieks, Latyn en Wiskunde uitgeblink het.
It seems appropriate, at a time of fundamental change in South Africa, to look at the place of the Classics in this society. Focussing on a representative figure from the past, the paper reviews the life and work of the well-known South African Classicist, T.J. Haarhoff. It is suggested that his work (spanning four decades, c. 1920-1960) can serve as an inspiration and a warning to Classics in South Africa. Haarhoff was ahead of his time in insisting on a broad interdisciplinary approach to Classics; but there is in his work a contradiction between the broad humanism he advocates and an undercurrent of racism to be found in both his political and classical writings. The final section of the paper argues that in future efforts will have to be made to bring more Black students into Classics, and that the emphasis in the teaching of the subject will have to fall more on material ill translation than on texts in the original Greek or Latin.
I argue that modern lexicographical analyses and wider discussions of the term humanitas do not accurately reflect its significance in the Roman construction of themselves and others. My study of the word suggests that the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae and Oxford Latin Dictionary entries miss the most important points : that the concept is used either inclusively or exclusively and that the exclusive usage predominates. This renders the Roman idea of humanitas - a tool to distinguish 'us' from 'them' significantly different from the inclusive tendency of the modern term 'humanity'.
Further, humanitas as 'culture' links with concepts of latinitas and urbanitas and hence with ideas of Roman-ness, which I call Romanitas. An examination of the pressures to conformity upon the Roman elite and others who wanted to join that élite suggests that humanitas and Romanitas converge. This, finally, raises questions for us as classicists : in our study of 'Humanity' and 'the humanities' are we party to a blinkered elitism or are we prepared to embrace issues such as slavery, gender and multiculturalism?
This is the second of a pair of articles on Sophocles' play, the Trachiniae. In the first article on the marriage of Heracles and Deianeira I argue that this is no straight forward love match. Deianeira is very ambivalent about her marriage and her own sexuality and this fact adds a further dimension to the apparent story line of the play. I show, then, that there are many more complications visible than are consistent with the traditional interpretation of the play. By the commonest interpretation, Deianeira responds to Heracles' sending his mistress home to live with them by sending him a robe, smeared with a "love charm" designed to win his love back to herself. She is a loving wife, innocently deceived by the guile of the Centaur, Nessus. There has been much debate on this point. Hester's (1980: 1ff.) article, Deianeira's 'Deception Speech', summarises the division between the majority of scholars who see Deianeira as an innocent victim of the Centaur's deception and those who argue for her guilty collusion with the Centaur's murderous intent. Both these interpretations, as Hester argues, prove difficult to maintain at some point in Sophocles' plot and text. My two articles are aimed at showing that these interpretations considerably underestimate the complexities of Sophocles' writing and his character portrayal.
The poem by Eucheria, a case par excellence of adynata, comprises the longest list of impossibilities and paradoxical liaisons in Classical literature. Traditional adynata drawn from the realm of nature here undergo significant transformation, while new adynata-motifs are constructed, all of which conform to the poem's fundamental concern with mating. The poetess' entire system of reasoning is based on a dualistic classification of social reality, represented as such by the twenty-seven incongruous pairs which function as literary signs indicating Eucheria's and the boorish servant's social class.
The poem can be read in a number of ways without the one cancelling the other. The ideological voice of the poem, the entire system of thematic oppositions and the poetess' declaration in the end show her commitment to the prevailing social order. One could also argue that the poem can be viewed as a declaration of Eucheria's non-compliance with prescribed patterns of behaviour forged by her Roman predecessors.
In this article I attempt to clarify the association, often found in literature, between conscience and cowardice, by tracing the modern notion of conscience back to the σύνοιδα word group in classical Greek literature. The two basically divergent ways in which the association was viewed by the ancient Greeks, and how these perspectives have persisted to modern times, are also briefly discussed.
The lectio senatus carried out by Octavian and Agrippa in 28 BC is characterized as a 'purge' in most modern accounts. However, it is possible to show that the census of 86 was at least as severe, if not more drastic, than the one undertaken fifty-eight years later. The censorial pair of 28 may have been strict, but it is rather the less well remembered censorship of 86 which, by far, deserves to be described as a 'purge', along with all that word's sinister undertones.
The word άντίθεος in the Aithiopika of Heliodorus (4.7.13) may, contrary to a recent discussion, carry the meaning 'opposing god' and need not refer solely to a human agent (in this case Theagenes). To derive the meaning exclusively from the Homeric sense 'godlike being' is to deprive the passage of its subtle irony.
A short, fragmentary Axumite inscription, found in Meroe and published by T. Hägg in 1984, can be compared with an already known inscription of an Axumite king in Meroe. Hägg's conclusions regarding both inscriptions are re-examined in this note. There is no proof that they belong to the same period or are connected with each other. In fact, there were at least two different Axumite incursions into Meroe, one before and the other after the introduction of Christianity into Ethiopia.