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- Volume 43, Issue 1, 2000
Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa - Volume 43, Issue 1, 2000
Volumes & issues
Volume 43, Issue 1, 2000
Author Richard WhitakerSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 43, pp 1 –3 (2000)More Less
The tragic death of Margaret Mezzabotta in a car accident on the morning of Sunday the 20th of February came as a terrible shock to her friends and colleagues, not only at the University of Cape Town, where she had taught for 30 years, but also at many universities in South Africa and abroad.
Author Jean AlvaresSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 43, pp 5 –14 (2000)More Less
Chariton's Aphrodisias celebrated Greek, Roman and even Eastern traditions, as the Greek novelists did generally, and his romance shares many elements of Second Sophistic practice; fittingly, the text's opposition of Greek vs. barbarian is rather nuanced; various passages undercut such ethnocentric presumptions by showing Greeks and Asians relying (mistakenly) on traditional views of each other. The basically happy outcomes enjoyed by Artaxerxes and Chaireas, compared to the relatively sad fate of Dionysios, a character who embodies many of the aspirations of Chariton's readers, is connected in their participation in one of two myths of the ideal state; one of the glorious Greek past (Syracuse), the other of Rome as eternal world-state under correctable rulers who followed ideal conceptions of kingship. Ideal presentations of life, love and society are central to romance, but Dionysios' fate underscores the distance between real possibilities and romantic ideals.
Author J.E. AtkinsonSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 43, pp 15 –32 (2000)More Less
Justinian was responsible for a major transformation of the Roman Empire in Late Antiquity. This paper looks at some of the problems which Justinian faced, and some which he created, in his bid to transform the empire, its legal system and its administration. Problems arose from the tension between devolution and centralisation, from the blurring of lines of authority when horizontal structures were favoured over pyramidic, and from Justinian's mixed messages. Procopius and John the Lydian shed light on the impact on the lives of ordinary people in the city, rural areas, bureaucracy and army, of policies such as cost-cutting, rationalisation, revenue enhancement, influx control, strict law enforcement, and the imposition of orthodoxy.
Source: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 43, pp 33 –43 (2000)More Less
Various reasons have been advanced to account for Sulla's surprising decision to resign the dictatorship in 80 BC. It is the contention of the authors that illness was the reason. Sulla's medical history is examined. Four distinct disease entities can be discerned in the accounts of ancient authors : disfigurement of his facial complexion, discomfort in his feet, a generalised infestation with vermin, and a final episode of massive haemorrhage following on the rupture of an abscess. Syphilis, arising from Sulla's dissolute way of life, has been suggested, but it is now agreed that this disease first appeared in Europe at the end of the 15th century. It is doubtful that a single etiology can account for the whole syndrome. It is thus suggested that tuberculosis, present since 86 BC, could have been responsible for Sulla's facial lesion, the presence of discharging skin ulcers (which could even have harboured vermin from time to time), and a lung abscess which caused fatal haemorrhage. The transient nature of the numbing pain in his feet suggests a minor and temporary affliction.
Change and continuity in rhetorical writings. Aquila Romanus' and Martianus Capella's treatises on the figurae sententiarum et elocutionisAuthor Sabine GrebeSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 43, pp 45 –69 (2000)More Less
The source of Martianus' study of the figurae sententiarum et elocutionis in De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii 5.523-537 is a short treatise on the rhetorical figurae written in the 2nd half of the 3rd century AD by Aquila Romanus.
This article studies the contents and language of both texts, and explores their similarities and diffirences. Both authors discuss the figures in the same manner and order : the Greek name of the figure (usually) first, with its Latin translation; then the definition of the figure, often distinguished from similar figures; and finally, one or more examples, taken mostly from Cicero, to illustrate the often complicated explanations.
Among the differences are, in Aquila, additional details, repetition, one or more examples, and frequent explanations of the quotations. In contrast, Martianus often omits an example, or general advice on the use of figures, or digressions on the history of the schemes. These differences are to be attributed to the different natures and purposes of the two works.
Author Vincent HuninkSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 43, pp 71 –79 (2000)More Less
Among Apuleius' Florida there is a relatively short piece on a parrot. At first sight it merely shows the author's search for the exotic and his pleasure of description. But in the Florida, many animals occur in relation to human speech, notably that of the philosopher. In Fl. 12 too the bird serves as an example illustrating greater issues. It has been suggested that it stands for Apuleius' opponents, but the picture of the bird seems too positive for this. It rather extolls human-like qualities in animals, that are surpassed by proper human speech. The ideal representant of human speech is, inevitably, none but Apuleius himself.
Author J.A. MaritzSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 43, pp 81 –99 (2000)More Less
Claudian's poetry contains frequent allusions to Africa. His concept of the land, people, animals and products reflects literary stereotypes that do not suggest a personal knowledge of the continent. Two long passages of allegory describe the personified Africa with Rome and other provinces. They do not prove that Claudian visualized Africa as Black, Negroid, or wearing an elephant-scalp headdress. Nor does he provide evidence for a dea Africa. Instead he describes her as a vassal, willingly subjected, by divine decree, to perpetual domination and exploitation.
Author R.F. NewboldSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 43, pp 101 –118 (2000)More Less
One of the ways in which Suetonius and the Augustan History author differ in their portrayals of the power-holders and power-seekers they wrote about is in how power, position, status and prestige were communicated non-verbally. An initial count of non-verbal signifiers across fourteen categories shows Suetonius filling his narrative with considerably more such material than the Historia Augusta does. This finding includes the categories of proxemics (the spatial relationship of the bodies of power-holders to other people), to significant locations, and to bodily postures. Depending on the situation, sitting or standing, relaxation or rigidity, closeness or distance, few or many companions can be marks of inferiority or superiority, weakness or strength, intimacy or control, compliance or resistance. The greater range and variety of such material in Suetonius means that one gets from him a fuller sense of how individials differ in their efforts to influence and impress others.
Author Maridien SchneiderSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 43, pp 119 –127 (2000)More Less
Greek writers from the fifth century onward collected a number of stories relating to an Assyrian king known to the Greeks as 'Σαρδανάπαλ(λ)ος'. Over time the 'historical Σαρδανάπαλ(λ)ος' became so obscured by myth that the very existence of the original character became subjected to doubt. Although the historical origins of 'Σαρδανάπαλ(λ)ος' remain obscure, the literary tradition on this enigmatic figure from ancient Assyria thrived in antiquity. This note aims to explore the ramifications of 'the tradition of the Sardanapolli' in the work of Cicero.
Author James J. StewartSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 43, pp 129 –137 (2000)More Less
From the time of Julius Caesar until the end of the first century AD, the adjective ultimus took on a very political meaning, particularly when used by the poets of the age. It defines the extent of the Roman empire, being used for many of the boundaries of the empire. Applied to Britain by Catullus, the word soon fell out of use with the island, especially after the invasion of Claudius. The appearance of this adjective should cause the reader to consider the extent of the empire at the time the work was written, since many passages seem linked to expansionist imperial policy. This is particularly true of the Augustan poets, who promoted the plans of the new emperor. By the time of Domitian, writers employed ultimus in a variety of ways to delineate the empire.
Author P.M.W. TennantSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 43, pp 139 –156 (2000)More Less
The fact that most Roman poets belonged to the equestrian or senatorial class has encouraged a sceptical attitude towards complaints of financial hardship and inadequate patronage. Such complaints tend to be viewed as a conventional 'mendicant facade' - a facet of the poet's bogus persona. However, the evidence provided by Martial's Epigrams and by contemporary perceptions of what constituted wealth and poverty suggest that mere possession of equestrian status was no guarantee of affluence. It is likely that the plight of poets like Martial and Juvenal was more genuine than modern sceptics would allow and that their indictment of the state of patronage was more than a convenient literary pose.
Author John DavidsonSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 43, pp 157 –160 (2000)More Less
The thirty-third story in the Μεταμορφώσεων Συναγωγή of Antoninus Liberalis begins with the passing of Heracles. It goes on to recount Eurystheus' persecution of the Heracleidae, their flight from their ancestral land to Athens, and the subsequent battle fought on their behalf by the Athenians, which resulted in the defeat and death of Eurystheus. With the tyrant dead, so the account continues, Hyllus along with the rest of the Heracleidae and their entourage settled back in Thebes.
Source: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 43, pp 161 –162 (2000)More Less
In Donald Greene's anthology of Samuel Johnson's prose and poetry (The Oxford Authors, 1984) we find a Latin school exercise in prose (p. 39). It was printed here for the first time. The original is in the Houghton Library of the Harvard College Library at Harvard University; the number is fms Kng 1386 (64).
Source: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 43, pp 163 –165 (2000)More Less
One of the best known and most discussed Latin poems by Samuel Johnson is the one he wrote after having finished the last edition of his English dictionary. Its title is GNOTHI SEAUTON. The text is identical in the editions I have consulted : the Oxford edition of his works (ed. D. Nichol Smith & E.L. McAdam, 1962) p. 159ff., the Yale edition of his works (ed. E.L. McAdam, vol 6. 1964) p. 271ff., and The Latin and Greek Poems by Samuel Johnson (ed. Barry Baldwin, 1995) p. 75ff.
Source: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 43, pp 166 –172 (2000)More Less
The attitude of the early 1 st-century AD author Valerius Maxirnus (PIR, V 82) to Tiberius has met with criticism. To modern ears his praise of the emperor seems extravagant and has aroused distaste. Does it betray a particular background? Given the paucity of our information on Valerius, the question is difficult to answer. However, it is the aim of this note to suggest that epigraphical evidence could possibly be adduced to throw some light on the question.
Curzio Rufo. Storie di Alessandro Magno, Volume I, John E. Atkinson, translated by Virginio Antelami : book reviewAuthor Waldemar HeckelSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 43, pp 173 –174 (2000)More Less
The first of a two-volume edition of Q. Curtius Rufus' History of Alexander in Italian, this is an impressive contribution to Alexander studies and scholarship in general. The lengthy introduction treats the standard issues : the date of the work (vocabulary and style point to the first century AD, but the arguments for both Claudius and Vespasian have their merits); the author's career (this points strongly to the Julio-Claudian era); sources; value of the history; characterization of Alexander; literary style; transmission of the text. They are followed by a sizeable bibliography, a chronological table, and six maps (though these vary in quality).
Source: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 43, pp 174 –179 (2000)More Less
Those familiar with the broad-ranging and judicious scholarship of David Wardle will not be disappointed by his commentary on Book 1 of Valerius Maximus. It consists of an Introduction, Translation and the Commentary itself (on the English translation, not on the Latin text), a Bibliography and an Index.