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- Volume 48, Issue 1, 2005
Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa - Volume 48, Issue 1, 2005
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Volume 48, Issue 1, 2005
Author David WardleSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 48, pp VII –XI (2005)More Less
Immediately upon graduating from the University of Durham in 1961 with a BA (Hons) in Classical and General Literature, John Atkinson set off for the former Rhodesia, where he served for two years as assistant lecturer in the then University College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. There T.F. Carney's ideas and interests exercised a powerful, long-lasting influence on him. After a short stay of 18 months as a lecturer at the University of South Africa (Unisa), the honorand took up another lectureship at the University of Cape Town in January 1965. In the following forty years he progressed through the ranks to full professor and was the last Dean of the Faculty of Arts, before its amalgamation into the Faculty of Humanities.
Author Johan C. ThomSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 48, pp 1 –21 (2005)More Less
The Hymn to Zeus by the Stoic philosopher Cleanthes is one of the most intriguing texts to survive from the Hellenistic period, and of great significance for the history of Hellenistic philosophy, the history of Hellenistic and Greco-Roman religions as well as the history of Greek literature. A detailed study of all three these facets - philosophical, religious and literary - is essential for understanding the poem. The Hymn itself is remarkable precisely because it combines different philosophical, religious and literary traditions and sources into a new expression of philosophical religion. Scholars, however, often focus on one aspect of the text without giving due recognition to the integration accomplished in it. To do justice to this text means to understand the way the text itself interprets the traditions it draws upon; it also means to take the Hymn seriously as a text that still has something to say to us.
Author Kathleen ColemanSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 48, pp 23 –35 (2005)More Less
TThe traditional dating of Book 6 of Martial's Epigrams to the summer or autumn of AD 90 bunches it a little close to Book 5, published for the Saturnalia of AD 89, and leaves an unaccustomed gap of more than two years until the publication of Book 7 for the Saturnalia of AD 92. The Matronalia of AD 91 are proposed because of Martial's own suggestive remark about this festival at the end of Book 5, his claim to virtually annual publication, the frequency with which his books are timed to appear at the Saturnalia, his repeated insistence on a female readership, the publicity given in Book 6 to Domitian's marriage legislation, and the desirability of launching a book in time for an occasion when gift-giving might boost its popularity.
Author Richard J. EvansSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 48, pp 37 –56 (2005)More Less
The Cimbric Wars and their impact on the Iberian peninsula comprise an episode in Roman history, which has been neglected by both ancient and modern commentators. The wars themselves are remembered chiefly for battles fought in southern Gaul and northern Italy between 105 and 101. However, the conflict had a much wider and more devastating impact. Gaius Marius may have engineered the Roman defence and finally great victories on the battlefield, but this triumph has obscured a regional catastrophe the likes of which were not to be seen again until the final days of the Roman Empire in the West. The Cimbri and Teutones posed the greatest challenge to Rome's supremacy, even its existence, since the invasion of Italy by Hannibal. The ancient sources have obscured the enormity of the threat and its consequences, especially for Iberia. The intention here is to retrieve some idea of the extent of the campaigning of both sides in the war and the magnitude of the disaster as it affected the region south of the Pyrenees.
Author John HiltonSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 48, pp 57 –85 (2005)More Less
This article investigates how war and peace are represented in Xenophon's Cyropaedia, Chariton's Chaereas and Callirhoe, the Ninus fragment, Achilles Tatius' Leucippe, Longus' Daphnis and Chloe, and Heliodorus' Aithiopika. With the exception of the Cyropaedia and possibly the Aithiopika, these romances were composed at the height of the pax Romana when warfare between nations within the Roman Empire had declined. Nevertheless, war and battles constitute significant elements in these narratives, although they are often set in the remote past at the time of the Persian Empire and are frequently pastiches drawn from the historians. In Chariton, Achilles Tatius and Heliodorus, military episodes have an important narratological function. Attitudes to war vary : it is an intrusive element in the lives of most of the characters, and military bravado and imperial expansionism are sometimes viewed with irony. Occasionally the romances describe contemporary conflicts in considerable detail.
Author Alex NiceSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 48, pp 87 –102 (2005)More Less
Modern studies on the seer Aristander of Telmessus have rarely considered more widely the significance of ancient testimonies relevant to his reputation. This paper reviews the testimonia relevant to the seer's eminence. The ancient evidence indicates not only a diviner with expertise in many fields (extispicy, augury, the interpretation of prodigies, oneiromancy, and spontaneous prophecy), but one who was also a warrior, author, and possible Platonist. I argue that it was not Callisthenes or another historical source who was responsible for Aristander's emergence from obscurity. Rather, as a close confidant of the King and published author, Aristander was already a suitable subject for inclusion in the histories of Alexander. His enduring reputation in the testimonia indicates that it was through his own merit that Aristander bequeathed his name to posterity.
Author Suzanne SharlandSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 48, pp 103 –120 (2005)More Less
In Satire 2.7, on the occasion of the Saturnalia, Horace's domestic slave Davus is invited to take the floor and lecture Horace himself in accordance with the traditions of this December festival. With the aid of the Stoic paradox 'Only the wise man is free and every fool is a slave', the servile speaker Davus turns the tables on his master Horace and accuses the satirist of the very vices that he has seen fit to criticise in others. Drawing together many of the trends of the second book of Satires, the penultimate 2.7 occasions a thoroughgoing reversal of roles not only social but also literary : author becomes audience, speaker turns addressee, and satirist is made target. The poem provokes contemplation as to the nature of moralising and the moralist, satire and the satirist. Although many scholars have tried to dismiss Davus as a 'doctor ineptus' because of this servile speaker's errors and infelicities of both a logical and ideological nature, the present paper argues that on the occasion of the Saturnalia, Davus and Horace are involved in a ritual rather than a court case. It is suggested that the Saturnalian satire of 2.7 is best understood in the light of some of the theories of carnival and carnivalised literature put forward by the modern Russian thinker Mikhail Mikhailovich Bakhtin (1895-1975).
Author Diana SpencerSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 48, pp 121 –140 (2005)More Less
This article explores the particular significance, for twentieth and twenty-first century understandings of Classics, reception and cultural identity, of the story of Alexander the Great ascribed to Quintus Curtius Rufus. Starting from Deleuze's models of Time and the nature of Existence, the complex and oppositional nature of Curtius' narrative is explored, and this leads into a discussion of the interrelationship between concepts and realities of west and east. Intimate connexions between time, space and geography underlie this reading of Curtius, and the ways in which the Roman self plays off and consciously alludes to a synchronic appropriation of a high-concept 'Orient' that is at once Other, Alexander's and a Roman episteme. The textual colonialism of Curtius' story relentlessly assumes an intellectual community that will enjoy both the unknowability and the glamour, as well as appreciating the looming disaster, that travelling into the east connotes.
Author Dawid WardleSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 48, pp 141 –161 (2005)More Less
Although no new knowledge about Alexander is to be expected from a Roman collector of moral exempla whose material on Alexander derives from Cicero and Pompeius Trogus' Historiae, nonetheless the Tiberian excerptor provides an Alexander whose characterisation casts light on the Early Principate. Through his presentation of Alexander's desire for world conquest, Valerius underlines the imperial achievement of Rome, her effective world domination, and her superiority to Alexander. In reflecting on Alexander's institution of ruler cult, Valerius contrasts the restraint of the Roman imperial model in relation to filiation and forms of worship and the greater merit of her imperial rulers.
Author Richard WhitakerSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 48, pp 163 –174 (2005)More Less
The Attalid rulers of Hellenistic Pergamon, in Asia Minor, strove to make their city the cultural equal of classical Athens through public building and art. They represented their partial victory over the Galatians as the equivalent of the Athenian triumph over the Persians. A major Attalid public monument suggesting this was the Great Altar at Pergamon, with its frieze depicting Gigantomachy (the battle of gods and giants). The article discusses the representation of gigantomachy in earlier Greek art, and shows how the Pergamon frieze intensifies certain ideological tendencies of that representation. The frieze uses many contrasts - animal vs. human, high vs. low, calm control vs. frenzied emotion - to suggest the superiority of the Attalids over their enemies. But there are many elements that cut across these contrasts, making the frieze more than a simple ideological statement.
Author Michael WinterbottomSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 48, pp 175 –183 (2005)More Less
The final chapter of Quintilian's Institutio Oratoria (12.11) falls into two distinct sections. The first (§§1-7), on the retirement of the orator, which contains much reminiscence of Cicero, completes one theme of the book, which began with the birth of the promising son in 1.1.1. The second (§§8-30, followed by a postscript in §31) is the culmination of another theme, the instilling of enthusiasm for oratory. It is in effect the peroration of the whole work, recapitulating as it does earlier material (especially from Book 12), and arousing various kinds of emotion in the endeavour to show that the suggested programme of studies is practicable and leads to a highly desirable goal. The structure, unity and addressees of the section are discussed, and an attempt is made to deal with difficulties of interpretation and text.
Author S.J. HarrisonSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 48, pp 185 –188 (2005)More Less
In this famous passage Vergil promises to build a temple at Mantua and by the river Mincius to celebrate the greatness of Imperator Caesar, the later Augustus. It has been rightly stressed that this edifice is metaphorical rather than literal, echoing notable imagery in Pindar and elsewhere, and that the poet's triumphal tone and language evoke the historical context of writing, looking forward to the triple triumph of Caesar in 29 BC.
Author Waldemar HeckelSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 48, pp 189 –194 (2005)More Less
Arrian's account of Alexander's skirmish with the so-called 'autonomous Thracians' in the spring of 335 describes one of the most colourful episodes in the history of infantry tactics, one that features theatrics worthy of a 'sword and sandals' epic like Gladiator, but has left modern commentators uneasy, if not incredulous.
Author Denis SaddingtonSource: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 48, pp 195 –199 (2005)More Less
During his Gallic wars Caesar had to resort to naval warfare on several occasions. He also crossed the Rhine twice (BG 4.16-17; 6.9). Although the Ubians, then on the east bank, offered him ships to transport his army across the river, he declined, deciding to construct a bridge for the purpose, not only for greater safety, but also for prestige.
Source: Acta Classica : Proceedings of the Classical Association of South Africa 48, pp 201 –202 (2005)More Less