Journal for Contemporary History - Volume 28, Issue 1, 2003
Volume 28, Issue 1, 2003
Author Andre WesselsSource: Journal for Contemporary History 28, pp 1 –15 (2003)More Less
At the beginning of the third millennium Africa is still suffering from the scourges of hunger, diseases and a variety of ongoing conflicts. In this study a possible solution with regard to one aspect of Africa's multidimensional problems is discussed in historical perspective, namely the role that a rapid reaction force (RRF) can play in solving conflicts and potential conflicts. For too long Africa has suffered from the dreadful consequences of armed conflict, and the time has come for Africans (and especially their governments) to do something themselves to combat this particular scourge. The importance of an RRF is discussed; the envisaged European Union's RRF is analysed (as a parallel example); the composition of an RRF is discussed, as well as the resources that are available in Africa for creating an RRF, with special reference to the role that the South African National Defence Force can play.
Author Abel EsterhuyseSource: Journal for Contemporary History 28, pp 16 –26 (2003)More Less
The article investigates the military involvement of the United States of America in sub-Saharan Africa SSA) during the Clinton administration. The aim is not to explain or analyse the nature and extent of U.S. military support to different states, or the region as a whole. Rather, the article attempts to create an understanding for the U.S. attitude towards military involvement in SSA. The suggestion is made that the U.S. did not have much interest in the security of SSA and was therefore reluctant to be militarily involved in the region. However, as the only superpower in the post-Cold War the U.S. had a responsibility for the security of SSA - even if that required the use of military means. Thus, the U.S. was confronted with a duality: lack of interest vis-à-vis "forced" involvement. In SSA there was a need for U.S. military support for and involvement in the security of the region. However, U.S. military support was not always positively received and there was a fair amount of suspicion in the region towards U.S. involvement - especially military involvement. States at the receiving end of U.S. military support also had to confront a duality: need vis-à-vis suspicion.
"The invisible hand" : the roots of black economic empowerment, Sankorp and societal change in South Africa, 1985-2000Author Grietjie VerhoefSource: Journal for Contemporary History 28, pp 27 –47 (2003)More Less
The political changes in South Africa following the decision by the ruling National Party of former President FW de Klerk, to unban political organisations such as the African National Congress (ANC) and Pan African Congress (PAC) as well as their leaders, had been preceded by efforts of business to adapt to the changing global environment. Negotiations with respect to political transformation and the facilitation of a new black majority government, cannot solely be interpreted as a political process.
Author J.S. Van ZylSource: Journal for Contemporary History 28, pp 48 –61 (2003)More Less
Southern Africa has a longer successful history of customs unions than any other part of the world. The Customs Union Convention of 1889 between the Cape Colony and the Orange Free State evolved to the present Southern African Customs Union (SACU) with participant countries South Africa, Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland and Namibia. The revenue distribution formulae of 1910 and 1969 and especially the stabilisation factor of 1976 gave political advantages to South Africa and economic benefits to the neighbouring countries. The political change in South Africa during 1994 also necessitates the renegotiation of the customs union agreement. Two issues should receive urgent attention. The first is the correct calculation of South Africa's share in the formula and not only as the residue. The second is the exclusion of excise duties from the formula. The dependence of most neighbouring countries on the customs union revenue was the most important obstacle in negotiating a new formula. The SACU is too important an institution in Southern Africa to ignore or neglect. It might in future turn out to be an indispensable element in a viable structure of regional co-operation and welfare creation in Southern Africa.
To commemorate or not to commemorate : three important commemorative events in twentieth century South AfricaSource: Journal for Contemporary History 28, pp 62 –82 (2003)More Less
To remember and to commemorate events that took place in the past seem to be a universal human trait, both at individual and group level, and there are countless examples of what we commemorate. The events in question can be of either a tragic or a joyous nature, but it seems to be more common to commemorate the former kind of events. At an individual level, commemorations usually deal with birthdays, wedding anniversaries or the remembrance of a loved one that died.
Author Christopher SaundersSource: Journal for Contemporary History 28, pp 83 –91 (2003)More Less
The United States (US) has often been much involved with countries in other parts of the world that in themselves were of little or no direct interest to it. This is, in this particular case, reflected in the fact that, though there is a considerable literature on US policy to southern Africa in the 1970s and 1980s, there is no substantial scholarly work on American policy specifically in regard to Namibia.
Committees, tyres and teenagers : "People's Power" and "Alternative Structures" as part of the strategy of the ANC to render the country ungovernable during the 1980sSource: Journal for Contemporary History 28, pp 92 –109 (2003)More Less
"(T)hey brought with them another man...We all took the man across the veld...The four men started stabbing the...man in the back with large jungle knives. Jabo and Pogiso also stabbed the man with jungle knives...Impi poured petrol over the man from a one-litre Coke bottle. Impi then set the man alight with a match. The man then went mad and fell to the ground.
Author Johann W.N. TempelhoffSource: Journal for Contemporary History 28, pp 110 –122 (2003)More Less
In the study attention is given to historiography as a means of determining the intellectual trends in a given period. Along with that the principle of stylistics is outlined as a means of expressing style and style trends that give the discipline of history and its practitioners a very specific identity. There is a suggestion that within the paradigm of a framework of production it is possible to determine certain trends. Science, the spirit of the times and the self can be considered as key components in determining the way in which historical writing is conducted. From that comes the unique way in which historians contemporise the past.
Author Mokete PherudiSource: Journal for Contemporary History 28, pp 123 –137 (2003)More Less
Lesotho held its elections on the 23rd May 1998 under the auspices of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), headed by Advocate Sekara Mafisa. The newly formed Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) unexpectedly won 79 out of 80 constituencies. Unexpectedly, because LCD was a relatively new party in Lesotho's political scene and more importantly because the emergence of this party triggered an unprecedented bitterness among political elite and the electorate alike which had a cumulative effect of casting a thick cloud of doubt over its performance in the elections race.
Source: Journal for Contemporary History 28, pp 138 –151 (2003)More Less
This paper will attempt to provide an argument in favour of the recognition of pre-conquest African structures and their related knowledge in the post-modern operatives of governance. The authors strongly sense that unless the endogenous structures participate in shaping the post-modern social and political organs, the very big failures of the Western democratic organograms will be experienced. The process of endoginisation and repositioning of African institutions is guided by the socio-cultural and political identities developed by both leaders and the led.
Genl. Jan Kemp se vormingsjare : was dit verantwoordelik vir sy besluit om as rebel die nuutgestigte Suid-Afrikaanse Verdedigingsmag uit te daag?Source: Journal for Contemporary History 28, pp 152 –165 (2003)More Less
During the Jameson Raid in December 1895, General Kemp became a lieutenant in the Krugersdorp Voluntary Corps. At the outbreak of the Anglo-Boer War in 1899 he joined the Krugersdorp Commando and soon became an officer in General Koos de la Rey's ranks. His war record is a story of great courage and bravery. He was successful in battles such as Vlakfontein in 1901 and in the last months of the war he gained, in an act of courage, a victory over General Hamilton's forces at Roodewal. At the Peace Conference at Vereeniging in May 1902 he was one of the six delegates who voted against the British peace proposals. In 1912 he became a major in the newly founded Defence Force of the Union of South Africa. In 1914 he resigned from the Defence Force in protest against the war policy of General Botha's government. From the North-Western Cape he led a rebel force on horseback through the Kalahari, under extreme conditions, to join General Manie Maritz at the border to German South-West Africa. After an unsuccessful attempt against the Union's Forces at Upington in January 1915, he was forced to surrender. For his participation in the Rebellion he was sentenced to seven years imprisonment and a fine of R2 000. This embittered Kemp and he regarded Botha and General Smuts as traitors of the Afrikaner nation. Kemp, the die-hard, remained an enemy of British imperialism for the rest of his life. The freedom he so dearly loved and had fought for remained in his spirit and on his deathbed his last words were, "I do not fear".
Author H.O. TerblancheSource: Journal for Contemporary History 28, pp 166 –167 (2003)More Less
Schalk Pienaar was 'n omstrede en onkonvensionele koerantman en politieke kommentator. In dié hoogs leesbare boek word die verhaal van sy lewe vir die eerste keer redelik volledig en ronduit vertel. As stigter-redakteur van die Sondagkoerant Die Beeld (1965-1970) - een van die voorgangers van Rapport - en hoofredakteur van Beeld (1973-1975), het hy 'n reuse aandeel gehad in die totstandkoming van 'n onafhanklike Afrikaanse pers wat die beleid van die Nasionale Party toenemend gekritiseer het.
Author Pieter KappSource: Journal for Contemporary History 28, pp 168 –172 (2003)More Less
In die tweede helfte van verlede jaar het daar twee werke oor Afrika in Nederlands verskyn wat dui op 'n interessante verskuiwing in die sieninge van die Nederlandstalige wêreld oor Afrika en ontwikkelingshulp. Albei werke bevat 'n nuwe soort nugterheid wat soms neig om na 'n negativisme oor te slaan. Maar die realisme is in hulle toekomsperspektiewe oorheersend. Die een wat nie hier bespreek word nie, is van die Vlaamse hoofekonoom van Trends, Johan van Orteveldt.