Journal for Contemporary History - Volume 29, Issue 2, 2004
Volume 29, Issue 2, 2004
Author Pieter LabuschagneSource: Journal for Contemporary History 29, pp 1 –24 (2004)More Less
In recent publications on African politics there has been a marked tendency to deprivilege the state. This has encouraged the belief that the state is not, or is no longer, the main organising principle of politics in Africa. Of course, this deprivileging of the state might well reflect disillusionment with the track record of Africa's failed state but, as Munro (1997:113) remarks, the state is still a pivotal role player in African countries and continues to have a strong political presence inthe life of Africa's citizens.
Author Andre WesselsSource: Journal for Contemporary History 29, pp 25 –42 (2004)More Less
It is the purpose of this article to give a review of the role played by destroyers (those 'greyhounds of the seas') in the South African Navy (SAN), 1950 to 1975. In 1950 the South African Naval Forces (from 1951 known as the SAN), acquired its first ever destroyer, namely HMSAS Jan van Riebeeck (formerly HMS Wessex). She was followed in 1953 by her sister ship, SAS Simon van der Stel (formerly HMS Whelp). For more than a decade these were the largest and most formidable ships in the small but gradually expanding SAN. Both destroyers were in reserve from 1957 to 1964, but just when it seemed as if modern developments with regard to submarines and anti-submarine warfare (ASW) had left them obsolescent, they were given a second lease of life when they were rebuilt, from 1962 to 1966, into helicopter-carrying ASW ships. In this capacity, and also as training ships, the SAN's destroyers played a vital role in the development of the SAN until 1975, when they reached the end of their operational lives and were consequently withdrawn from service. In the article the history of the SAN's destroyers is throughout placed in context of both political and other developments at home as well as the Cold War internationally.
The performance of tsotsi gangs and the causes leading to their formation in Mangaung, Bloemfontein 1945-1976Author Charl Le RouxSource: Journal for Contemporary History 29, pp 43 –59 (2004)More Less
Globally there is an intensified concern with those forms of illegal violence and predation, commonly known as 'street crime', committed by youths acting in concert. It is widely held that the numbers of delinquent youths involved in crimes of violence and theft have increased, that the kinds of crimes they commit have become more serious, and that the age of offenders has become lower.
Hervorming van die Verenigde Nasies Veiligheidsraad : 'n kommentaar oor die Suid-Afrikaanse standpuntAuthor Albert VenterSource: Journal for Contemporary History 29, pp 60 –77 (2004)More Less
The purpose of this essay is to briefly portray the development of the present structure and composition of the Security Council of the UN, summarise the arguments of the non-western powers, including South Africa, the common African and the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) for the reform of the Security Council and offer some comments regarding this position. The principal comment of the essay is that these positions on the reform of the UN Security Council is a wonderful gesture and imminently democratic proposals. But it is unlikely to be successful. The experience of the last 11 years with the Open Working Group (regarding the reform of the Security Council) is adequate evidence. The Security Council will only be reformed or adapted if the international structural circumstances so require. That is, only the advent of a new and powerful international power, or a powerful bloc of states, whose influence cannot be ignored, will cause the Security Council to be enlarged.
Politieke oortuiging of opportunisme? Generaal Jan Kemp en die naamsverandering van Roberts Heights na VoortrekkerhoogteSource: Journal for Contemporary History 29, pp 78 –91 (2004)More Less
At present place names in South Africa are changed overnight without real opposition. It is rather a matter of reconciliation and the outcry for an exclusive ideology. In 1938 it was a bird of a different feather and such an event caused a great upheavel in the South African political arena. Acting as Minister of Defence during the absence of Oswald Pirow, Jan Kemp, without the knowledge of the Prime Minister, General JBM Hertzog, and the Cabinet announced on 16 December 1938 that Roberts Heights' name would be changed to Voortrekkerhoogte. As one can expect political repercussions came to the fore. On the one side Kemp's actions placed Hertzog in a dilemma, because if he overruled Kemp, he would have to resign and Africaner emotions would crop up. On the other side a cabinet crisis loomed amongst the South African Party members in the cabinet. A storm also arose in the English press and became so hectic that Hertzog had to step in to calm emotions. For the Afrikaner and its press the incident became a moral victory, seen against the background of British supremacy in the past.
Economic empowerment and performance : strategies towards indigenisation / black economic empowerment and the performance of such enterprises in Nigeria and South Africa, since the early 1970s to 2002Author Grietjie VerhoefSource: Journal for Contemporary History 29, pp 92 –118 (2004)More Less
In the course of the drive towards decolonisation, African leaders often emphasised the need for political and economic independence from colonial control. Austen even disregards decolonisation as a turning point in the history of Africa or "an event creating a new economic situation but rather treats it "as a chronological marker for long-term change in the relationship between African Economies and the international system".
Author P.A. SchoemanSource: Journal for Contemporary History 29, pp 119 –133 (2004)More Less
The sudden collapse of communism at the end of the 1980s surprised many theorists and political scientists. Not only was it unsuspected, but it changed the way in which future political affairs would be conducted. For more than forty years, world affairs were dominated by a bipolar system that divided states into two ideological camps. Conflict, diplomacy and economic interaction were conducted in the context of the rivalry between the liberal democratic West against the communist East.
Plaaslike en internasionale verset teen apartheid in Suid-Afrikaanse sport gedurende die tagtigerjareSource: Journal for Contemporary History 29, pp 134 –151 (2004)More Less
The implementation of apartheid legislation by the National Party (NP) in 1948 led to the establishment of similar enforceable structures within South African sport. This was met by much resistance, both inside and outside South Africa. The formation and development of various international and local anti-apartheid organisations with a broad interest in South African sport led to conflict with the NP government about its sports policy which promoted racial segregation. By the 1980s, the NP's policy on sport had, mostly due to external pressure, changed considerably, but not enough in the eyes of the organisations fighting apartheid in South African sport. An orchestrated attempt to rid South African sport from its apartheid legacy intensified during the 1980s, with the United Nations, the Organisation of African Unity, SACOS and SANROC leading the way. These organisations would go to the extreme to show that separate development in sport, as well as inequality in the South African society, was not acceptable. The extended pressure on South African sport by these organisations, in adherence with anti-apartheid structures and organisations throughout the world, eventually led to unity talks between various stakeholders in South African sport at the end of the 1980s, with far-reaching positive effects for South African sport.
Author Annette StraussSource: Journal for Contemporary History 29, pp 152 –172 (2004)More Less
During the old regime in South Africa only a few women entered politics. It was only in 1930 that adult suffrage was granted to women and at the same time they became eligible for election. Since 1914 one after the other municipality allowed women to vote and to be elected on the council. However, for many decades only a small number of women made themselves available for election on government bodies. Those who did, were mostly women with strong personalities who made a positive contribution to their country.
Source: Journal for Contemporary History 29, pp 173 –203 (2004)More Less
It is a truism that civil-military relations as a descriptive term or as a subdiscipline of sociology are often utilised only in already democratised states. Prior to transition to democracy the term in its conventional sense seems to have limited application.1 In democracies a basic conception developed that the existence of military forces requires the necessary institutions for the political and democratic control of such armed forces.
The premier, politics and prejudice : Winkie Direko's rise from comparative obscurity in the 1970s to provincial prominence in the 1990s - a biographical overviewSource: Journal for Contemporary History 29, pp 204 –220 (2004)More Less
The surprising appointment of Winkie Direko as premier of the African National Congress (ANC)-led Free State Province in June 1999 came as a rude awakening to the provincial leadership of the ANC, as well as to the Free State citizens. Because of her 'lack of experience' in as far as full-time party politics are concerned, her appointment to the premiership position came as a shock to some people in the Free State Province, who without doubt had earmarked certain individuals within the ANC provincial leadership for this position.
Author Joseph SmilesSource: Journal for Contemporary History 29, pp 221 –240 (2004)More Less
More than three years ago, the brutal and tragic events of 11 September 2001 have brought the Taliban to the centre stage of world politics and the global political environment. The Taliban leaders, who ruled Afghanistan by faith and fear, gave shelter to the Al'Qaeda extremist group of Osama Bin Laden. Since the Taliban's dramatic and sudden appearance at the end of 1994, they have been regarded as the most extreme Islamist movement in the world (Rashid 2001a:1).