Journal for Contemporary History - Volume 32, Issue 1, 2007
Volume 32, Issue 1, 2007
Author Chitja TwalaSource: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 1 –14 (2007)More Less
The history of land dispossession in South Africa has been widely researched. Although a number of processes have been responsible for the inequitable distribution of political power and wealth in South Africa, it has been argued that the dispossession of land was most important for the deprived communities. The present inequitable distribution of land in South Africa can be traced back to the Natives Land Act of 1913, the Urban Areas Act of 1923, and the Group Areas Act of 1950. In the early 1990s, after the unbanning of the ANC, there were high expectations among rural people that land would be returned to them and that the advent of democracy would mean that opportunities to own and use land would be opened up across the country. From 1994, the ANC-led Government of National Unity (GNU) embarked on an ambitious land reform programme. One of the pieces of legislation passed by the GNU was the Land Restitution Act of 1994, which provided mechanisms to address the land dispossessions.
Author Charl Le RouxSource: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 15 –34 (2007)More Less
Thomas Mtobi Mapikela played an important political role in South Africa: at local level in Mangaung (the black township at Bloemfontein), at provincial level in the Orange Free State and also at national level. After the Anglo Boer War (1899-1902) Mapikela found himself as executive member of the Orange River Colony (ORC) Native Vigilance Association, right in the middle of the struggle by black leaders for political rights and the unification process of the British South African Colonies. As founding member of the ORC Native Vigilance Association and the black newspaper Tsala ea Becoana, he was actively engaged in efforts to promote the political upliftment of the black people - initially in the ORC and country-wide after unification in 1910.
Source: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 35 –53 (2007)More Less
This article attempts a longer-term explanation of South Africa's transition from apartheid to democracy. The concept of a change in the balance of power in South Africa in the 20th century is utilised for this purpose. South Africa's transition is defined as the ultimate consequence of a clash between the political constructs (or 'ideological terms' in the words of Gerrit Viljoen) of apartheid and prevailing economic realities. It is argued here that the political superstructure of apartheid was implemented to impose certain strictly political interventionist measures over and above the general structural economic concerns (or the 'realistic and pragmatic terms' as described by Gerrit Viljoen) of the South African economy. In order therefore to explain the democratic transition in South Africa, this article outlines the crucial nexus between the regressive economic structures and performance of the South African economy and the overbearing political superstructures of apartheid.
Die "slag van Mmabatho" : die einde van regse weerstand teen die nuwe Suid-Afrika? Deel ii : die finale verbrokkeling van regse eenheidAuthor G. Van der WesthuizenSource: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 54 –68 (2007)More Less
In an effort to prevent the establishment of a new South Africa, armed members of the white rightwing organisation, the "Afrikaner-Weerstandsbeweging (AWB)" invaded the homeland Bophuthatswana on 10 March 1994. According to their leader, Eugene Terre'Blanche, President Mangope had accepted their offer to help him maintain his position. He denied this. The invasion was a tragic failure. Not only were three of their men killed, but they had to hastily retreat in disgrace. It also meant the end of unity between the different rightwing groups.
Source: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 69 –86 (2007)More Less
"The recruitment and intake of Community Development Workers went on very smoothly. To date 94 CDW's have successfully completed their training programme and will be inaugurated early this year. The second generation of 198 CDW's learners were recruited and commenced their orientation programme in November last year. The impact of these specialised cadres of the public services will accelerate the service delivery capacity and the public participation efforts of our government" (Marshoff 2006:5).
Die Grondwethof na tien jaar : 'n analitiese beskouing van die plek, rol en funksie van diÃ© hof in Suid-Afrika se nuwe grondwetlike bedelingSource: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 87 –110 (2007)More Less
The Constitutional Court is after ten years probably still one of the most unknown institutions of the judiciary among the general public with regard to its place, role and function in the judicial and political order of South Africa. A critical analysis of the activities of the Court notwithstanding reflects a picture of an institution which proved to be one of the most important shackles in the chain of institutions through which a true democratic dispensation can be guaranteed and kept in place.
Author Constanze BauerSource: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 111 –129 (2007)More Less
This article will focus on the occurrence of corruption/maladministration in those sectors that are closest to the majority of the people of South Africa, viz. the education sector, the Department of Home Affairs and the health sector whereby compensation for corrupt deeds will be shown to have a monetary value as well as a non-monetary value.
Author Joseph SmilesSource: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 130 –148 (2007)More Less
In October 2002 the Constitutional Court gave politicians permission to cross the floor and join another political party without losing their seats. This ruling has made a significant impact on the country's political landscape. From the onset, it was crystal clear that the vast majority of ordinary people or voters disapproves of the floor-crossing extravaganza. Jonathan Faull (2004) of the Institute for Democracy in South Africa (IDASA) argues that this disapproval gives rise to increasing feelings of alienation from democratically elected institutions within the voting public. To support this concern, Kormuth (2005) writes in The Mercury that votes are mandates of political origin. To cross the floor from the opposition to the governing party is a direct, wilful and inexcusable betrayal of that mandate.
Source: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 149 –172 (2007)More Less
In die vakwetenskaplike tydskrif, Frontline, onder die opskrif, "Signs of decay" vat Prabhakara (2006:1) die hele Zuma-sage in enkele paragrawe saam: "Sleaze and slander involving leading ruling party politicians, including former Deputy President Jacob Zuma, trouble South Africa whose freedom from apartheid rule is only a decade old. "What is one to make of the extraordinary, perhaps even murky, developments that are currently taking place within the ruling African Naional Congress and, more broadly, in the government of South Africa? "The most dramatic of these was the decision announced by President Mbeki ... to 'release the Hon. Jacob Zuma from his responsibilities as Deputy President ... and Member of the Cabinet,' meaning, in plain words, to dismiss him. "The decision to dismiss Jacob Zuma is one of the high points - one would be anticipating too much to say that it was the culmination - of a series of events whose beginnings go back to and, equally, also follow from, the facts, circumstances and rumours, not to speak of planted stories, surrounding the 'strategic defence procurement packages' that the then just-two-year-old democratic government decided to enter into ...".
Source: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 173 –191 (2007)More Less
The United Nations (UN) was created more than 60 years ago in an atmosphere of hope. It was an idealistic time, one of 'never agains' and potential global cooperation. Article 1(3) of the UN Charter thus states that a goal of the UN is to "achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion".
Omheinings van die hart : "geskiedenis" as kulturele kapitaal van briefskrywers aan die Afrikaanse media in 2005Author Johann W.N. TempelhoffSource: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 192 –221 (2007)More Less
Fences of the heart : 'history' as cultural capital in the historical consciousness of letters to the editor in the Afrikaans media in 2005
The term 'history' appears to be very much alive in the Afrikaans media. In 2005 the term was used in 274 items published in Beeld, Die Burger, Volksblad and Rapport. The term was mostly used in correspondence (71%) to the editor. In the article letters were categorised in terms of Bourdieu's classification of cultural capital. The overall objective was to determine to what extent historical consciousness was still seated within the mindset of writers making use of the term in the period 1 January to 31 December 2005. There are also analyses of certain themes that featured prominently in the correspondence. These are: elements of ethnic feeling; a deep-seated sense of historical consciousness; local patriotism and indications of racial bias.
Buitelandse vlagvertoonbesoeke aan Suid-Afrikaanse hawens (3) : die eerste dekade van die nuwe RSA, 1994-2004Source: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 222 –244 (2007)More Less
In this, the third of three articles that deals with flag-showing visits by overseas warships ("grey diplomats") to the Republic of South Africa (RSA), a review is given of all such visits that took place from 27 April 1994 to 27 April 2004; i.e. the first ten years of fully-fledged democracy in the country. In the months that followed on the April 1994 elections, a large number of foreign warships, as well as naval support ships, visited South African harbours, an indication that the RSA had indeed been welcomed back by the international community. In 1996 there was even more naval contact, and 1997 - when the South African Navy celebrated its 75th birthday - was the busiest naval year in the history of South Africa since 1972. In 1998-9 there was a fall in the number of "grey diplomats" that visited the RSA, but 2000 was another boom year. Since then, every year has brought a relatively large number of foreign warships to the RSA. Since 1994, the RSA is an important role-player in the international arena, especially with regard to African affairs, and the large number of overseas flag-showing visits to South African ports is a clear indication of the country's importance.
A century is a short time : new perspectives on the Anglo-Boer War, I Snyman, I Liebenberg, G van der Westhuizen and M Roos (eds). : book reviewSource: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 245 –247 (2007)More Less
For almost a century the Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902) has been the subject of academic research. Nevertheless, many aspects of its history remain controversial. Although the Anglo-Boer centennial ended in mid-2002, and with it most of the publicity generated by the many centennial events, new publications that deal with this noteworthy conflict are still published from time to time. One of the latest of these publications, and one of the most thought-provoking Anglo-Boer War books to have been published in South Africa, is A century is a short time: new perspectives on the Anglo-Boer War.
Author Pieter KappSource: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 248 –251 (2007)More Less