Journal for Contemporary History - Volume 32, Issue 2, 2007
Volume 32, Issue 2, 2007
Author S.M. BinzaSource: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 1 –18 (2007)More Less
Author P.W. CoetzerSource: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 19 –38 (2007)More Less
This article focuses on the important crime issue in South Africa in 2006 and the handling of this problem by the President, Thabo Mbeki. It reflects on his personal abilities and the way he handled crime in collaboration with his Head of Police, Jackie Selebi, and his Minister of Safety and Security, Charles Nqakula. His main speeches on this issue, his reaction on his critics and opposition parties, crime statistics and the crux of this problem are highlighted. The handling of crime is of utmost importance in the evaluation of Mbeki as Head of State, and also in view of the coming World Cup Soccer Tournament in 2010. It is also imperative for the coming ANC presidential election in December 2007 and the SA general election of 2009.
The emergence of the student and youth resistance organizations in the Free State townships during the 1980s : a viable attempt to reorganize protest politics?Author Chitja TwalaSource: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 39 –55 (2007)More Less
The banning of the South African black opposition, the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), in 1960 discouraged most forms of African organization during the 1960s. After they had been banned, both these organizations established a mission-in-exile, leaving an organizational vacuum in the country. This vacuum was partly filled by the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) during the 1970s. The late 1970s introduced a revival of black opposition as popular class struggles evolved from the coordinated national mass struggles to one of combined student, youth, trade union and community struggles against apartheid. Without doubt the 1976 Soweto uprising triggered a surge of student protests in centres around the country including the Free State, bringing young people into the frontline of anti-apartheid protest. After this a number of influential student and youth organizations were formed. The United Democratic Front (UDF) which was formed in August 1983 became a haven for such organizations as most of them became its affiliates. The UDF was specifically formed to oppose the new constitution and the Koornhof Bills. Before the establishment of the UDF, the youth in South Africa had already challenged the apartheid government although not in an organized way.
Author Daan WesselsSource: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 56 –77 (2007)More Less
"South African President Thabo Mbeki's decision to sack his deputy, Jacob Zuma, was one of his toughest political calls. Was he to retain a popular member of his government, or to send out a firm signal against corruption? In the end, it was clean government that won the day, attracting widespread praise for the president. "In his address to a joint sitting of parliament, Mr Mbeki took pains to make clear his responsibilities as president in a case that is unprecedented in South Africa's 11 years of democracy" (Pearce 2005a:1).
Vrees as faktor in die regse blanke politiek in Suid-Afrika tydens die eerste dekade van die apartheidsera, 1948-1958Source: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 78 –94 (2007)More Less
In the years leading up to the National Party's (NP) election victory in 1948, fear played an important role in the history of the Afrikaner. In the wake of the Anglo-Boer War, there was the fear of domination by British imperialism. But by the 1940s this fear had been replaced by a fear of domination by black people, and this fear, fed by NP propaganda, played a role in the acceptance by many whites of the policy of apartheid. In the course of the first decade of apartheid government, i.e. 1948 to 1958, fear continued to be an important factor in right-wing white politics. In this study the fear factor is analyzed in historical context, inter alia indicating how and why the rise of African nationalism contributed towards its development, and the extent to which it assisted (and was manipulated by) the NP in the process of drawing away political support from the United Party, and thus in the establishment of the apartheid state.
Source: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 95 –114 (2007)More Less
The rapid industrialisation of South Africa, following the discovery of diamonds near Kimberley in 1867 and the subsequent discovery of gold on the Witwatersrand in 1881, is a story often told. The remarkable growth of urban settlements, in the wake of these mining developments, is succinctly described by Van Jaarsveld who maintains: "Die stede in ons land het nie soos in Brittanje en Europa geleidelik uit boeredorpies gegroei nie, maar eensklaps, soos paddastoele, in die midde van 'n pastorale bevolking uit die veld verrys."
Author Clive J. NapierSource: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 115 –129 (2007)More Less
Die 'slag van Mmabatho' : die einde van regse weerstand teen die nuwe Suid-Afrika? deel III : die mite van regse militêre magSource: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 130 –143 (2007)More Less
Between 1990 and 1994 there seemed to be some unity between right wingers such as the Afrikaner-Weerstandsbeweging (AWB) and the Afrikaner-Volksfront (AVF). They boasted about their military abilities, but did not have much success to show. The only military operation was launched in Bophuthatswana in March 1994 with the intention of aiding the homeland ruler, Lucas Mangope, against the ANC. The AVF and the AWB separately invaded the country. There was a total lack of planning and efficiency and in the end they had to retreat head over heels leaving behind a number of dead comrades. Not much was left of the little unity that had existed. Right-wing resistance failed because it was driven by people who would not accept reality and whose characters had been formed by the existing feeling of racial superiority by whites during the apartheid era.
'Going against the creator' : FS Malan, Cape liberalism and white supremacy in South Africa, 1895 - 1936Author F.A. MoutonSource: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 144 –163 (2007)More Less
In an era of racism, oppression and exploitation during which South African whites feared Africans as a barbarous threat to their supremacy, Francois Stephanus Malan (1871-1941) refused to pander to these fears and instead urged that white survival would best be secured through the extension of equal political rights to all races.
Veertig jaar se ondersteuning ter see. Gevegsteunskepe in die Suid-Afrikaanse Vloot, 1967-2007 (1) : SAS Tafelberg en SAS DrakensbergAuthor Andre WesselsSource: Journal for Contemporary History 32, pp 164 –182 (2007)More Less
Forty years ago, on 10 August 1967, the South African Navy (SAN) commissioned its first ever replenishment ship, SAS Tafelberg. Since then two other replenishment ships (in due course known as combat support ships) have served in the SAN, namely SAS Drakensberg (since 1987) and SAS Outeniqua (1993-2004). It is the purpose of this two-part study to supply a review of the history of the SAN's combat support ships in the years 1967-2007, indicating why it was deemed necessary to acquire a replenishment ship in 1967, and what role this type of ships has played in the SAN, with special reference to their diplomatic role (i.e. as so-called grey diplomats that were sent on flag-showing cruises to other countries), disaster relief role and other humanitarian functions. The Tafelberg 's career in the SAN (1967-93) to a large extent overlaps with the Namibian War of Independence (the so-called "Border War") of 1966-89, a conflict that in due course also spilled over into Angola, and where possible reference will be made to the role played by the Tafelberg (and Drakensberg) with regard to that war. But while the then South African Defence Force was embroiled in a conflict "up north", the SAN was involved in many other spheres - and in that regard combat support ships played a major role.