Journal for Contemporary History - Volume 39, Issue 1, 2014
Volume 39, Issue 1, 2014
Nie-eensgesindheid in eensgesindheid? Die verkiesing van Hendrik Verwoerd as eerste minister in 1958Author Pieter DuvenageSource: Journal for Contemporary History 39, pp 1 –18 (2014)More Less
Die Nasionale Party was in die eerste dekade van sy bewind in Suid-Afrika (1948 1958) nie so eensgesind as wat 'n mens vandag, in 'n post-1994 Suid-Afrika, sou wou dink nie. Die nie-eensgesinde aspekte van die Nasionale Party (NP) kan baie goed gerekonstrueer word in die gebeure van 1958 toe die dienende eerste minister, JG Strijdom (1893-1958), ernstig siek geword het en 'n interne stryd rondom sy opvolger ontstaan het. Uiteindelik is Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd (1901-1966) op 2 September as partyleier aangewys en het hy die sesde eerste minister van Suid-Afrika sedert 1910 geword. Verwoerd het egter om verskeie redes nie so sterk binne sy party gestaan as wat tans gemeen word nie. Hy moes deur verskeie politieke optrede en gebeure, waarvan die samestelling van sy eerste kabinet in 1958 'n eerste was, sy party in 'n eenheid saambind. Die NP van 1958 was 'n veelstemmige en komplekse party met 'n federale aard, streeksverskille, verskillende persoonlikhede en ideologiese onderstrominge. Teen hierdie agtergrond word die homogene beeld van die NP, sowel as die heersende opvatting van Verwoerd se oorheersende mag oor sy kabinet en party, ten minste met die aanvang van sy termyn as eerste minister, uitgedaag.
This contribution focuses on the inner-party discord of the National Party leading to the election of Dr Hendrik Verwoerd as Prime Minister of South Africa in 1958. The National Party of 1958 was a complex party characterized by a federal party structure, regional differences, different personalities and even ideological undercurrents. In the first section of the contribution the focus falls on the intense political discord within the NP of 1958 until the death of Strijdom on 24 August. In this section the differences and election strategies of the different candidates come to the fore. In the second section the election of Verwoerd as party leader, and more specifically Prime Minister, is reconstructed. The third section focuses on the period from Verwoerd's election as Prime Minister on 2 September until the appointment of his first cabinet on 21 Oktober 1958. It is in this cabinet that he had to unite regional differences, personalities, and even ideological undercurrents. This contribution ends (section 5) with the first cabinet meeting of the Verwoerd era (November 1958) which offered an interesting ideological twist - a twist that even found echoes in the later National Party leading up to 1994.
Author Cornelius ThomasSource: Journal for Contemporary History 39, pp 19 –37 (2014)More Less
This article delves into an activist vocabulary adopted by Coloured students at the University of the Western Cape (UWC) in the early- to mid-1970s. It asks what language these students used to make meaningful in their solidaristic opposition to apartheid South Africa, and how they found their voice after the relative Coloured quiescence in the 1960s. The article specifically interrogates how, in the context of black consciousness, Coloured students acquired, appropriated and applied the concepts of "conscientization", "black", "liberation theology", and "community". Homing in on the period 1970 to 1976, it unfolds a student protest narrative, including the Demas tie affair (1970), SASO-UWC's activism (1972-1974), the UWC studentsâ?? response to community (1975-1976), and the Soweto uprising (1976). It finds a new conversation and activism that found expression "in the community". As an autoethnographic and qualitative narrative piece, the article scripts the unfolding of a new phenomenon in Coloured protest, one which shows a departure from an older (Non-European Unity Movement) political language and makes "audible" the student voice in community inclusive anti-apartheid activism. It shines new light on a moment in Coloured history that linked UWC students nationally and transformed the struggle in organic and instrumentalist ways.
Source: Journal for Contemporary History 39, pp 38 –54 (2014)More Less
In the academic literature, very little has been done to chronicle the history and the development of whips in legislatures (parliaments). The lack of material on whips is in spite of the fact that, in political and governing processes, political party whips have a history that stretches back to the 18th century. The purposes of this article are therefore aimed at addressing this gap in the literature and to emphasise the necessary role of political party whips, in South Africa and internationally. The discussion deals with the history and the duties of whips at the parliamentary, provincial and local government levels. The authors outline the historical development of whips and explain how their position has developed from noble beginnings, to the point where they play a critically important role in modern parliaments. The main functions and the selection or election of whips, within their respective legislative bodies and particularly in the South African context are also discussed. The conclusion is reached that whips do play a significant and necessary role in their respective legislative bodies and are of critical importance within a modern political system.
Source: Journal for Contemporary History 39, pp 55 –68 (2014)More Less
Many factors are identified as causes of nuclear proliferation, but three stands out among them. These comprise the international and domestic political environment, technical capabilities and motivation. This article explores, on the one hand, the conditions that are conducive for the proliferation of nuclear weapons, whilst also suggesting strategies that can effectively address the problem. The authors use the South African episode as a case study. They identify the role of technology and motivations in the development of South Africa's nuclear weapons programme and claim that the possession of technological capability is not a sufficient cause of nuclear proliferation. Rather, the presence of strong motivations in conjunction with sufficient technical capability leads to nuclear proliferation.
Potential for cooperation rather than conflict in the face of water degradation : the cases of the Nile River and Okavango River basinsAuthor Hussein SolomonSource: Journal for Contemporary History 39, pp 69 –94 (2014)More Less
Although the notion of environmental security is a relatively new dimension of international relations, and of politics in general, it would be inane to assume that problems of environmental change are in any way novel. Environmental security is a phenomenon that is distinctively associated with the end of the Cold War. Much attention has been paid in both the scholarly literature and the policy community to the potential for conflict to arise as a result of environmental degradation. The aim of this article is to examine the nexus between environmental degradation and the potential for violent conflict by specifically referring to the potential for conflict to arise out of fresh water disputes by utilising the Nile River and Okavango River Basins as case studies.
Author Burgert A. SenekalSource: Journal for Contemporary History 39, pp 95 –114 (2014)More Less
The use of Social Network Analysis (SNA) to map dark, i.e. illegal, networks gained momentum after the 9/11 attacks on the World Trade Centre in New York, and numerous studies have been conducted that map Islamic extremist organisations. This article follows international studies and contemporary practices in military intelligence in using SNA to map the ties of the members of the Southern right wing group plot to blow up the Vaal Dam, who were arrested in 2002 and subsequently convicted of sabotage. It is shown how the leader of the plot consistently scores highest on betweenness, degree, and closeness centrality, and that he played an important role as broker between the Southern and the Northern groups (better known as the Boeremag). Ties between the two right wing groups are also discussed, along with the important structural roles that their meeting places played.
The Dhlakama and RENAMO breakaway from government : another test for the SADC's conflict transformation record?Author Sadiki MaereseraSource: Journal for Contemporary History 39, pp 115 –130 (2014)More Less
The decision made in October 2012 by Afonso Dhlakama, the leader of the Mozambique National Resistance Movement (RENAMO), accompanied by a motley group of his former rebel fighters, to pull out from the government of Mozambique and to go back to his former rebel base in Gorongosa, Central Mozambique, has sparked widespread, yet well-founded fears that Mozambique might be heading back to armed conflict involving the same players and precipitated by some of the grievances that were thought to be resolved through the post-Rome Accords dispensation a good 22 years ago.
For the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region, this development is particularly ominous as it comes at a time when the region is faced with other continuing or broken down peace initiatives notably in Madagascar and the DRC. The elusive peace and security processes in Antananarivo and Kinshasa have resulted in either full scale military offensives as in the eastern Congo or in an unstable politico-security environment as being witnessed in Madagascar. In both these two cases, the SADC has been trying to mediate and find sustainable peaceful solutions without much reported progress.
This article critically analyses the SADC's capability to successfully and sustainably resolve and transform conflicts, using this unstable political and security development in Mozambique as a case in point. It interrogates the extent to which the current dispensation in Mozambique has succeeded in addressing the grievances that were, during the negotiations that culminated in the signing of the Rome Accords, recognised as having caused the brutal 16-year civil war of 1976-1992. The article posits that the October 2012 move by RENAMO, regardless of whether it is resolved through dialogue or it leads to another shooting war, presents a critical challenge to the SADC Conflict Resolution and Management Mechanisms as conceived, developed and practiced to date. Whilst peace has been prevailing in Mozambique for over 20 years, the article analyses whether or not the reneging of RENAMO revolves around the underlying causes of the pre-1992 conflict which remained unaddressed. The article concludes with a set of recommendations on how best the SADC could tackle this recurring conflict in Mozambique while, at the same time, drawing critical lessons that will assist in generally improving and streamlining its current conflict resolution and management mechanisms and practices.
Author Pieter CoetzerSource: Journal for Contemporary History 39, pp 131 –152 (2014)More Less
Julius Sello Malema het eenvoudig groot geword. Hy is op 3 Maart 1981 in Seshego in die noordelike stofstrate van die Limpopoprovinsie gebore. Sy jeug was nie maklik nie aangesien sy moeder 'n enkelouer en 'n huisbediende was. Op 'n baie jong ouderdom (9 jaar) het hy reeds anti-apartheidsaktiviste van buitebande help voorsien om aan die brand te steek. Hy het ook help water verskaf om opstandiges teen die traanrook van die polisie te beskerm. Die jong Malema was lid van die African National Congress (ANC) se Masupatsela-pioniersbeweging wat destyds Nasionale Party (NP)-aktiviste moes ontwrig. Sy bedrywighede sou binne enkele jare van so 'n aard wees dat dit hom in die kollig van die Suid-Afrikaanse media sou plaas.
From 2008 to 2013 Julius Malema was figuring strongly in the spotlight of the South African and later on also the international media. It was particularly as ANC youth leader (since April 2008) that Malema's controversial utterances and verbose rhetoric attracted the attention of the media. It was newspapers such as City Press and Rapport that Malema highlighted as newspapers that were openly targeting him. Throughout South Africa Malema was one of the foremost newsmakers and his unrestraint and unpredictability would resound throughout the world. Few South African newspapers would refrain from giving prominence to Malema. He would later on become an embarrassment for the ANC and disciplinary action against him was inevitable. He sharply criticised ANC opponents, judges and high officials, international leaders, neighbouring countries, sports leaders and even ANC ministers and he often used racially inspired rhetoric. Naturally Malema and the media would cross swords about this and the impetuous youth leader would continuously be in the crossfire of the media. In this article emphasis is placed on a few of the most important moments of the political career of Malema from 2008 to 2013 when he established his own party, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF). This article mainly focuses on the ongoing fight against the South African media, while a number of the viewpoints of the international media will also be highlighted. It was especially the media who was to a large extent fierce in their criticism that eventually caused Malema's dismissal from the ANC.
Source: Journal for Contemporary History 39, pp 153 –176 (2014)More Less
Especially in the course of the past century and a half, many countries have organised fleet reviews to commemorate some or other important event in the history of the concerned country, or in the history of its navy. In this study, three major fleet reviews and concomitant naval events are described, discussed and analysed, in an effort to, inter alia, place the history of these particular events on record, to ascertain just how important they actually were, and to draw conclusions that could be of importance for future naval planning. The three fleet reviews that form the basis of this study are the South African (SA) Navy's 75th anniversary celebrations (SAN75) in and off Simon's Town and Cape Town in 1997, the 200th anniversary of the battle at Trafalgar that was commemorated in and off Portsmouth in 2005, and the 100th anniversary of the arrival of the Royal Australian Navy's first warships in Sydney, which was commemorated in that city's harbour and bay in 2013. Throughout, the emphasis will fall on the SA Navy's role, for example in hosting SAN75 and participating in Trafalgar200; and its non-participation in the 2013 review.
Author Theo NeethlingSource: Journal for Contemporary History 39, pp 177 –179 (2014)More Less
Richard Calland is an associate professor in public law at the University of Cape Town and one of South Africa's top political analysts. His column "Contretemps" has appeared in the Mail and Guardian since 2001, and he authored three notable book publications on South African political dynamics, namely Thabo Mbeki's world: The politics and ideology of the South African President (2003), Anatomy of South Africa: Who holds the power (2006), and The Vuvuzela Revolution: Anatomy of South Africa's World Cup (2010).
Author Barend Van der MerweSource: Journal for Contemporary History 39, pp 180 –181 (2014)More Less
Following his "Anatomy of South Africa: Who holds the power?", published in 2006, Calland's new publication, which, in the author's own words, can be described as a "sequel", is a welcome addition to the literature on contemporary South Africa. The Zuma years is a rather grim reflection on South Africa in 2013, yet it serves as an important record that will aid any researcher or layperson towards a better grasp of the fundamental challenges facing the South African state in 2013.
According to Calland, The Zuma years can be described as a reflection on "a period of intense social transformation in South Africa's history" (p. xiii), "Yet, this is not a history book" (p. 4). A great emphasis is placed on the readability of the text. Key in this regard is the inclusion of endnotes in favour of footnotes, striking a good balance between academic credibility and the accessibility of the work for the layman.
Author Chitja TwalaSource: Journal for Contemporary History 39, pp 182 –183 (2014)More Less
Emphasising the centrality of terrorism attacks in South Africa, Hussein Solomon provides South African historical and political explanations for the impact of such attacks. In this book the author bravely tackles a controversial topic that persists in evading scholars of terrorism in South Africa. This bold stance is an indication by the author to expose the hidden activities of radical Islamism in South Africa. This is an informed book and the most comprehensive one to date to highlight the scale of the threat posed by Islamist extremists in the hope that the South African government will try to arrest the situation through investing in resources necessary to deal with such attacks. The book is a testament to Solomon's innovative approach; the chapters extensively critically analyse topics which provide fresh and valuable, rather than rehashed and repetitive information.