Gustav Preller (1875-1943): His historical consciousness and concept of history. Preller's historical consciousness displays a structural coherence of the understanding of the present, the anticipation of the future and the interpretation of the past: In order to ensure a post Boer War Afrikaner identity, he presented an alternative people's (volks) history in contrast to the British vision of South Africa's past, which was characterized by presentism and engagement. It contains defensive and offensive functions of consciousness which created a Great Trek and Boer War mythology. He aimed to strengthen the Afrikaners' national and historical identity by creating an Afrikaner-centric image of the past. His historical writing which satisfied a life-requirement was characterized by nationalism, scepticism about objectivity, and attempted to establish historical continuity with the past.
Thomas Ignatius Ferreira (c.1743-c1814), pioneer on the Eastern Frontier and ""British"" officer in command at Fort Frederick Thomas Ferreira initially farmed in the region of Mossel Bay and afterwards on a farm east of Langkloof, before he moved to Papenkuilsfontein in Algoa Bay in 1776, thus becoming one of the first Afrikaner pioneers in this area. In 1782 he was a member of the expedition which set out to look for survivors of the shipwrecked Grosvenor. In 1799 the British garrison erected Star Fort on his farm. This became the first official structure of defence on the Eastern Frontier. After having learned that the Cape was to become a colony of the Batavian Republic in 1803, the Acting British Governor appointed Thomas Ferreira as commanding officer at Fort Frederick. During a visit by Governor J.W.Janssens to Algoa Bay in 1803, Thomas was accused of cruelty towards non-whites and of being partly responsible for the unrest on the Eastern Frontier. In order to maintain peace and order he and some of his relatives, inter alia his daughter, the later notorious ""Kwaade Martha"" Ferreira of the Black Circuit ( 1812-1813), were banned from Algoa Bay. Thomas resettled on a farm in the Mossel Bay region.
This article explores the changing bases of the main political alignments in the Eastern Cape in the early years of the Cape parliament. How did political groupings form and cohere? By what assumptions, ideologies or objectives were each of them informed? What techniques were employed to mobilize support? And how did power and influence shift from one group, class or interest to another? The study reveals something of the great multiplicity of forces and interests at work and their interactions in a very complex political chemistry. Three widely differing case studies are analysed and contrasted: the ""frontier party"", which was the dominant political group during this period and which was based upon the British Settler and Wesleyan communities under the leadership of the mercantile elite of the frontier towns; the Stockenstrï¿½mites, drawn from an extraordinarily wide range of personal supporters of Sir Andries Stockenstrï¿½m from virtually every sector of a very diverse Colonial community; and the ""Port Elizabeth-Graaff-Reinet axis"", which evolved in relation to the expansion of trade routes and railways between the coast and the emerging ""midlands"". By 1858 yet another political grouping had begun to appear - the landowners, whose constituency cut across all the existing groupings. Further in-depth studies of these processes of realignment and regional variation in the subsequent years could contribute much to our understanding of the changing contours of the political culture of this formative period in the development of Cape society.
From the very beginnings of the 1820 Eastern Cape British settlement the prospects for the economic development of the coastal and adjacent area of the district of Albany, known as Lower Albany, centred not as much on the success of the intended farming enterprise as on the development of a harbour cum centre for local industry, especially fishing at the mouth of the Kowie river. That prospect remained alive right through the inter-war period from 1919 to 1939. This paper examines the vicissitudes of that project during this period as well as some of the general economic trends for this region, not least in the context of the global depression ushered in by the Wall Street crash of 1929. There is, therefore, also a focus on alternative industrial and related prospects, including mining as well as some little contemporary awareness of how the informal sector of the local economy might have been encouraged. But by the end of this period, it was the long established fruit and dairy farming inland, and expanded tourism at the coast and the prospect of Port Alfred as a growing centre for permanent residents (though sometimes thwarted by the infighting and short-sightedness of Port Alfred's own citizenry) which formed the solid basis of the Lower Albany economy as it exists today.
South African and Australian societies share many common elements and experiences including a British settler heritage, gold, similar British trade union impetus, and a colonial period which was roughly contemporaneous. Despite this, the mining trade unionism which evolved in the first few decades after the discovery of gold in each country, was markedly different: South African trade unionism remained weak in its organization and adhered to a thoroughly exclusive and ""old unionist"" policy; in Australia on the other hand, where the gold-digger was not faced with large-scale organized capital, gold-mining trade unionism ironically attained formidable membership and moved in the direction of ""new unionism"" by embracing the idea of a broader worker alliance. The reasons for this include various specific local material conditions in the respective countries, such as the geological nature of the gold reefs, the methods of gold extraction, the structure of the labour force, the origin of capital and its control, as well as the political dispensation. These factors shaped a trade unionism which was unique to each country and fully indigenized.
The provision of foodstuffs to the Boer commandos during the Anglo-Boer War, 1899-1902. This article investigates how the Boer commandos in the Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902 obtained their food. During the conventional trench warfare phase this task was performed by government. commissariats that had been established before the war. From the outset, however, commandos on all fronts experienced shortages due to factors such as maladministration, favouritism, the lack of proper transport and an unequal distribution of supplies. In the guerrilla phase the commissariats were attached to the roaming commandos until government sources were depleted. Thereafter the commandos were forced to become self-sufficient, managing with whatever they could find in the area. The British scorched earth policy had destroyed a great deal of the available food, and as a result, serious concern was expressed at the Vereeniging peace talks on the situation in eleven districts of the ZAR and the district of Heilbron in the North-eastern Free State where conditions were particularly bad. This was one of the factors which moved the Boer delegates at Vereeniging to accept the British peace proposals on 31 May 1902.
General J.B.M. Hertzog as champion of the Cape rebels, 1902.1903. In this article an attempt was made to shed more light on General J.B.M. Hertzog's endeavours to enforce the rights and reinstate the freedom of the Cape rebels in 1902-1903. The Cape government's proclamation, issued after the peace of Vereeniging, which dealt with the conditions of release of the rebels, greatly upset Hertzog. He saw it as a violation of the undertaking on amnesty which the British government had made to the Boer delegates at the peace. Hertzog felt that this was very unjust towards the rebels. Because of his acute sense of justice and fairplay, Hertzog felt obliged to act on their behalf. He therefore registered his serious objection to the Cape authorities against this injustice. Despite the disappointing and even insulting replies which his representations elicited he persevered in his struggle for the rights of the rebels. During Joseph Chamberlain's visit to Bloemfontein in February 1903, Hertzog earnestly -and as it proved, successfully -appealed to him for justice for the rebels. This post-war action taken by Hertzog was certainly an important training-school for the political struggle he was to conduct for the rights and freedom of the Afrikaner in later years.