African Security Review - Volume 12, Issue 2, 2003
Volume 12, Issue 2, 2003
Source: African Security Review 12, pp 1 –2 (2003)More Less
Extracted from text ... In July 2003 the members of the United Nations will meet in New York for the first Biennial Meeting of States on the implemen-tation of the UN Programme of Action to Prevent, Combat and Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects. The purpose of this week-long meeting will be to report on progress made in implementing Programme of Action national-ly and sub-regionally. Small arms and light weapons have been termed by some 'the new weapons of mass destruction'. The Small Arms Survey, based on several years of research, has estimated that there are more than 600 million small arms in the world-enough for one in every 10 ..
Author Taya WeissSource: African Security Review 12, pp 5 –16 (2003)More Less
Small arms and light weapons (SALW) can be used and re-used as long as demand for them exists. They often outlast fragile peace agreements and fuel post-conflict crime. Local-level approaches to fighting SALW proliferation focus on reducing the demand for guns and promoting alternative methods of conflict resolution. Policy-makers, whose aim should be to address the structure within which SALW circulate, have failed to adequately address the demand side of the market. Governments, aid organisations, and regional and international bodies have concentrated their efforts to stem SALW proliferation in the realm of manufacturers and suppliers on one hand and responses to violent conflict on the other, thus failing to articulate and use the wide range of possible interventions.
Author Thokozani ThusiSource: African Security Review 12, pp 17 –26 (2003)More Less
In recognition of the devastating impact of small arms and light weapons on a swath of Africa ranging across the Great Lakes, East Africa and the Horn, 10 countries agreed to the Nairobi Declaration in March 2000. the Declaration dealt with the problem of the proliferation of illicit small arms and light weapons in the Great Lakes region and the Horn of Africa. In the past three years, countries in the region have made some progress in implementing the Declaration. However, the focus on implementing the Declaration in unison across the region - incorporating countries as diverse as Djibouti and the Democratic Republic of the Congo - has slowed progress. This article presents an overview of the challenges experienced by those countries implementing the Declaration. It is recommended that regional and national efforts to control small arms should happen in parallel, but not at the expense of progress in an individual state or on a specific level. A lack of progress at one level (or in one state) should not prevent progress at another.
Source: African Security Review 12, pp 27 –34 (2003)More Less
Extracted from text ... Watch the television news most nights in South Africa and one will see a report of vio-lent crime that has taken place, sometimes with a picture of the gun used in the crime lying on the ground. Stay tuned and images will come up of rebels in Liberia or C?te d'Ivoire hoisting automatic rifles over their heads. Most often the viewer is caught up in the story being told and the unfolding politi-cal events. However some people spend their time focusing on the weapons shown on the screen and wondering how that pistol ended up in Hillbrow or that AK-47 in Liberia. Increasingly, politicians, policy-makers and law enforcement agencies are realising that if they ..
A shift from human security to regime security? : amendment to the African Union's right to intervene : Africa watchSource: African Security Review 12, pp 37 –45 (2003)More Less
Heads of State and Government passed the first amendments to the Constitutive Act of the African Union within seven months of the launch of the organization. This article provides a legal analysis of the broadening of Article 4(h) of the Act, the right of intervention, to prevent a "serious threat to legitimate order". It argues that this clause is inconsistent with the other grounds for intervention, which aim to protect African peoples from grave violations of human rights when their governments are unable or unwilling to do so. The amendment, by contrast, aims to uphold state security, rather than human security. The context in which this and other amendments were adapted from proposals by Libya in Durban 2002 is considered in terms of political implications for the African Union.
Source: African Security Review 12, pp 46 –54 (2003)More Less
Extracted from text ... CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: BOZIZ? REPLACES PATASS? On the afternoon of Saturday 15 March 2002, about 1,000 rebel troops loyal to erstwhile chief of staff General Fran?ois Boziz? entered Bangui, the capital of the Central African Republic, virtually unopposed and seized con-trol of the airport and presidential palace before securing the entire city. President Patass?, returning from a regional summit in Niger, learned of his predicament when his aircraft was fired upon as it approached Bangui. The pilot diverted to Cameroon, where Patass? was given refuge. On local radio on Sunday night General Boziz? was introduced to listeners as the new head of state. He announced that he was sus-pending the constitution and dissolving par-liament. A ten-day overnight ..
Source: African Security Review 12, pp 55 –57 (2003)More Less
Extracted from text ... TRENDS AND MARKERS Recent data, statistics and indicators AFRICA WATCH Locations in Africa with at least one major armed conflict,1990 -2001 (Also showing world total for comparison) Years Number of conflicts Africa World total Types of major armed conflict in Africa,1990 -2001 Years Number of conflicts Territory incompatability Government incompatability 56 Major African recipients (importers)of major convential weapons, 1997 -2001 (Figures,in US$millions,are aggregates,not an average) Algeria Imports Angola Ethiopia Morocco Eritrea Congo Uganda Botswana Tunisia Sudan Suppliers of major conventional weapons to Africa (US$millions),1997 -2001 Exports United States Russia France United Kingdom Germany Ukraine Italy China Belarus OtherTrends and markers Military expenditure in Zimbabwe as percentage of GDP,1992 -2000 Years Percentage Military expenditure in Africa,in constant US dollars (billions) 1992 -2001 Years US$ billions Africa World total ..
Author Virgil HawkinsSource: African Security Review 12, pp 61 –71 (2003)More Less
Although Africa is host to the vast majority (and the most deadly) of conflicts in the world, it would appear that there is a distinct lack of genuine interest in African affairs shown by the UN Security Council and its key members. This paper proposes a 10-level scale of response system to measure the seriousness of the Council in dealing with conflicts. By comparing the Council response with the size and severity of each individual conflict, the scale attempts to assess the Council performance in the fulfilment of its duty to restore international peace and security.The results show that Africa has been (and remains) marginalized in the Council work.
Source: African Security Review 12, pp 73 –80 (2003)More Less
Following the holding of elections in May 2002, Sierra Leone has embarked on a process of peace-building. While facing multiple challenges, the country's youthful population is one that certainly deserves greater attention. Youths comprise more than 50% of Sierra Leone's population and in the face of scarce economic opportunities in a country devastated by war; they are a segment of the population that must be incorporated into the post-conflict reconstruction processes currently underway. This article is based on field trips by both authors to Sierra Leone in 2002.
Author Clarence TshiterekeSource: African Security Review 12, pp 81 –90 (2003)More Less
This article outlines some of the pressing causes of war that have plagued Africa since independence. Wars in Africa are unique in some respects because of the particular history of the African continent. However, a close look at the wars in Africa today reveal many contradictions. Whereas many other continents have progressed since their struggle for independence, African communities are still encumbered with large-scale conflicts. Many causes have been suggested for this dire state : greed, extreme ethnic diversity, and colonialism but the solutions to conflict remain stubbornly out of reach. Despite being well-endowed with natural resources, Africa remains the poorest and the most politically unstable region in the world. A comprehensive understanding of Africa depends on understanding these contradictions.
Author Angela McintyreSource: African Security Review 12, pp 91 –99 (2003)More Less
Children are defined by the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child as people under the age of 18. Youth, although commonly used to describe the age group between 15-25, is not a term recognized in legislation designed to protect children. It has, however, become a concept employed by regimes and rebels alike to mobilize Africa's young population for political and military ends. African youth are caught in the chasm between childhood and the unattainable social, political and economic status that would define them as adults. Deprived of educational opportunities and livelihoods, youth are actively mobilized by politicians and armed groups alike, who recognize that their alliance is valuable and their enmity dangerous. The militarization of disaffected young people, of which the problem of child soldiers is only a small part, originates with the idea that youth constitute "potential" : a commodity that can and has been plundered alongside natural resources and public funds to serve the agendas of warfare.
Author Andre StandingSource: African Security Review 12, pp 103 –108 (2003)More Less
Extracted from text ... This commentary aims to broaden the current approach to understanding organised crime. The orthodox method has been to conceptu-alise organised crime as a rather specific and isolated criminal entity. This mindset encour-ages certain assumptions and policy recom-mendations that are problematic. To overcome these shortfalls, this commentary suggests a broader perspective based on the notion of a 'criminal economy'. To illustrate how this perspective may lead to new views of organised crime, this commentary will sketch a case study based on research into the crimi-nal economy that exists on the Cape Flats. The two perspectives In South Africa, the study of organised crime has focused predominantly on exploring the internal characteristics of specific groups. Subsequently, descriptions of organised ..
Author Kathryn SturmanSource: African Security Review 12, pp 109 –112 (2003)More Less
Extracted from text ... Since relations with the Arab League soured in the late 1990s, Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi has turned his attention toward build-ing strategic alliances in Africa. As a pariah state under United Nations' sanctions, Libya sought recognition and respectability in the arena of intergovernmental meetings of African leaders. Five years later, the extent of Libyan influ-ence within the African Union, NEPAD and the Regional Economic Communities (RECs) may be gauged against a history of less salu-tary military interventions and 'petro-dollar diplomacy' throughout the continent. To understand the role and impact of Gaddafi's Africa policy, it is first necessary to consider the internal dynamics of the country that has been ruled by decree for over three decades. Libya's history ..
Source: African Security Review 12, pp 115 –116 (2003)More Less
Extracted from text ... beyond, or behind, the current conflict to find the key to solving Sudan's evolving wars. Johnson refers to the "international amnesia" which afflicts diplomats, journalists and human rights workers who are involved in the conflict with only a vague apprehension of its source. The reason so many are ignorant, or confused about them is because there is, as yet, very little consensus on what the root causes are. The main part of the book is prefaced with some very useful comments about 'tribes'; religions; and cultures, which, if misunder-stood, only serve to complicate the matter fur-ther. One example, as Johnson explains, is that the Dinka are a people (not a tribe), who are organised into ..
Degrees in violence. Robert Mugabe and the struggle for power in Zimbabwe, David Blair : book reviewSource: African Security Review 12, pp 116 –117 (2003)More Less
Extracted from text ... DEGREES IN VIOLENCE Robert Mugabe and the struggle for power in Zimbabwe DAVID BLAIR Continuum, 2002 116 African Security Review 12(2) ? 2003 Events in Zimbabwe since February 2000 have prompted a number of journalists to write about their experiences. Like so many other accounts, Blair's book ends with his expulsion from the country. But while Blair's stay in Harare has ended, the forces that have caused such tumult continue. Blair's book, which ends in December 2001, leaves the reader with a strong feeling that the main act is still to come. Perhaps he will return to finish his "political drama". Blair describes himself as a spectator of events since President Mugabe lost the February 2000 referendum. The aim ..
Growing the sheltering tree. Protecting rights through humanitarian action, Inter-Agency Standing Committee, Unicef, 2002 : book reviewSource: African Security Review 12, pp 118 –119 (2003)More Less
Extracted from text ... GROWING THE SHELTERING TREE Protecting rights through humanitarian action INTER-AGENCY STANDING COMMITTEE protection activities: responsive action, reme-dial action and environment-building action. This sort of conceptual clarity may be difficult to maintain during a complex emergency but it can certainly help during planning and identifying which organisations are best suited to which sorts of action. The "modes of action in protection" sec-tion is more practical. Listing the advantages and disadvantages of both denunciation and persuasion is bound to help organisation be more effective and make more efficient use if their resources. Denunciation, suitable when violations are deliberate, is less useful when authorities can restrict access to the victims. Once a priority has been chosen, the correct mode of action can be chosen. Chapter ..