African Security Review - Volume 15, Issue 1, 2006
Volume 15, Issue 1, 2006
Source: African Security Review 15, pp IV –VI (2006)More Less
Extracted from text ... African Security Review 15.1 Institute for Security Studies EDITORIAL Wars in the 'borderlands' Richard Cornwell The confl ict in Darfur has occupied a considerable amount of attention over the last two years and, for all the wrong reasons, bids fair to continue doing so. On 9 February 2006, the Canadian government sponsored an ISS experts' workshop entitled 'Sudan: Developments in Darfur and Implications for the Region'. The meeting brought together members of the diplomatic, legal, military and academic communities to discuss certain aspects of the Darfur confl ict that seemed to warrant fresh attention. Some of the contributions to ..
Author Seth Appiah-MensahSource: African Security Review 15, pp 2 –19 (2006)More Less
For much of the past two years, the African Union Mission in Sudan <i>(AMIS)</i> has managed to achieve a semblance of stability in much of Darfur, which has been refl ected in the improvement of humanitarian conditions. At the same time, the mission has come under serious international pressure to respond appropriately to the deteriorating security situation on the ground by enhancing its presence and effectiveness. Subsequently, following the decisions of the <i>AU</i> Peace and Security Council <i>(PSC), AMIS</i> has undertaken two successive enhancements. Although the last enhancement exercise was remarkably successful, it could not be considered complete without the provision of the outstanding personnel and logistics by both member countries and the international partners. Meanwhile, serious challenges continue to undermine the mission's effectiveness and its prospects, not the least of these obstacles being adequate funding. At present, the mission is in a dilemma with respect to its mandate, engaging with the parties, partners, implementation of the N'Djamena Humanitarian Ceasefi re Agreement <i>(HCFA), </i> and the way forward, as the AU is now almost totally dependent on external donations to sustain its Darfur operations. This article therefore explores the way forward in all these thematic areas in order to make appropriate recommendations.
Author Cecile Aptel WilliamsonSource: African Security Review 15, pp 20 –31 (2006)More Less
It came as a surprise to many international observers when, on 31 March 2005, the United Nations Security Council passed resolution 1593, which referred the situation in Darfur to the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. Some celebrated this event as initiating a new era in which international criminal justice would prevail, but they might have done well to consider the objections immediately raised by the representatives of the Sudanese government, which was not a party to the <i>ICC, </i> a point that created a series of impediments to the implementation of the resolution. For all that the <i>ICC</i> has been charged with investigating crimes against humanity in Darfur, its investigators are being prevented from seeking the evidence on the ground essential to any successful prosecution. The Sudanese government has so far maintained its obstructive position, arguing that it is capable of handling such cases within its own sovereign jurisdiction. The imperative of excluding the <i>ICC</i> from Darfur has contributed to Khartoum's objections to the deployment of a <i>UN</i> force to replace the African Union mission there. In sum: the challenges faced by the <i>ICC</i> in Darfur demonstrate that international criminal justice does not operate in a political vacuum.
Source: African Security Review 15, pp 32 –54 (2006)More Less
Unlike many African populations, the overwhelming majority of the Somalis are part of a single, homogeneous ethnic group. All Somalis are Muslim and share the same language and culture. Nevertheless, one of the most terrible civil wars in Africa has been waged in this country for more than two decades. Somalia has been without a functioning central government since the late dictator General Mohamed Siad Barre was ousted in 1991. This essay examines the root causes of the Somali conflict and analyses some of the obstacles that have plagued peace efforts for the last fourteen years. Finally, it identifies peace-building strategies that could help establish durable peace in Somalia. We argue that competition for resources and power, repression by the military regime and the colonial legacy are the background causes of the conflict. Politicised clan identity, the availability of weapons and the presence of a large number of unemployed youth have exacerbated the problem. With regard to the obstacles to peace, we contend that Ethiopia's hostile policy, the absence of major power interest, lack of resources and the warlords' lack of interest in peace are the major factors that continue to haunt the Somali peace process. Finally, we propose ambitious peace-building strategies that attempt to address the key areas of security, political governance, economic development and justice in order to build a durable peace in Somalia.
Author Mariam JoomaSource: African Security Review 15, pp 56 –60 (2006)More Less
Extracted from text ... African Security Review 15.1 Institute for Security Studies Africa in 2006: The humanitarian hangover? Mariam Jooma* * Mariam Bibi Jooma is a researcher with the African Security Analysis Programme at the Institute for Security Studies. She focuses on the Horn of Africa, humanitarian assistance in the context of complex emergencies, the role of gender in confl ict, and post-confl ict societies. Another year, another appeal. Or so it would seem for humanitarian workers, development agencies and NGOs working in Africa who have come to know the steady routine of annual appeals based on 'needs assessments' undertaken in numerous countries around ..
Author Chris MarolengSource: African Security Review 15, pp 62 –66 (2006)More Less
Extracted from text ... African Security Review 15.1 Institute for Security Studies Zimbabwe's Movement for Democratic Change: Do weak systems lead to weak parties? Chris Maroleng* * Chris Maroleng is a senior researcher with the African Security Analysis Programme at the Institute for Security Studies. Observers of Zimbabwean politics have often pointed out that the current dilemma that the country faces is a result partly of the dysfunctional transition from colonial rule to independence and partly of the failure of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-PF (ZANU-PF) to transform itself into a party capable of democratic government. Both these lines of argument explain the ..
Source: African Security Review 15, pp 68 –70 (2006)More Less
Extracted from text ... African Security Review 15.1 Institute for Security Studies Benin: Under new management Richard Cornwell* In the middle of the 1970s there were few observers who would have predicted that Benin would come to provide Africa with examples of peaceful political transition. Benin's ethno-regionally fractured polity traditionally has pitched the south-east, south-west and north of the country into a bitter rivalry for national political power. Throughout the 1960s the army had frequently intervened to break the political deadlock created by civilian administrations, and in 1972 Mathieu K?r?kou seized power and then sought to broaden his appeal to the militant student ..
Source: African Security Review 15, pp 72 –73 (2006)More Less
Extracted from text ... African Security Review 15.1 Institute for Security Studies African contributions to UN peacekeeping missions at the end of April 2006 Serial number Country Military observers Troops Police Total 1 Algeria 17 2 19 2 Benin 27 1, 060 71 1, 158 3 Botswana 5 5 4 Burkina Faso 25 2 153 180 5 Cameroon 5 126 131 6 Central African Republic 11 11 6 Chad 11 32 43 7 C?te d'Ivoire 1 1 8 Djibouti 40 40 9 Egypt 68 813 48 929 10 Ethiopia 22 2, 738 2, 760 11 Gabon 4 4 12 Gambia 12 3 50 65 ..
Author Anthony VinciSource: African Security Review 15, pp 76 –90 (2006)More Less
Protracted state collapse in Somalia has led to a multiplication and diversifi cation of armed groups. We can speak of at least fi ve types of armed group: faction, warlord, business, court, and Islamic militias. These groups differ in important ways, yet often are simply classifi ed as 'militia' or 'warlord'. This essay seeks to add a measure of analytical rigour to the classifi cation of armed groups and provides a comparison using a framework of purpose, motivations, logistics, and command, control and communication. It concludes with some observations about the importance of making these distinctions when formulating policy for this region.
Police accountability and policing oversight mechanisms in the Southern African Development Community : essayAuthor Cephas LuminaSource: African Security Review 15, pp 92 –108 (2006)More Less
The police enjoy unique and special powers in the furtherance of their duties. Depending on how these powers are used, they may either protect or violate human rights. Therefore the exercise of police power requires that it should be used responsibly. Over the years, however, the involvement of police and other law enforcement offi cials in systematic abuses of human rights and attendant police 'cover ups' in many countries have underscored the need for oversight of their actions. This article surveys the various mechanisms for policing oversight in countries within the Southern African Development Community.
Author Alan BonesSource: African Security Review 15, pp 110 –114 (2006)More Less
Extracted from text ... African Security Review 15.1 Institute for Security Studies It may seem counterintuitive that Sudan should be the major foreign policy priority for Canada that it is. Historical linkages are not strong; the Sudanese ethnic community in Canada is small in number and trade volume over the years has been small. Yet, Canada plays an internationally recognised role in support of building peace in Darfur. Canada is one of the top three international donors in support of the African Union's Mission in Sudan (AMIS) to resolve the confl ict in Darfur, with support totalling over $218 million1 since September 2004. It ..
Author Thierry VircoulonSource: African Security Review 15, pp 116 –122 (2006)More Less
Extracted from text ... African Security Review 15.1 Institute for Security Studies Anticipating a new and fragile democracy in Central Africa Thierry Vircoulon* * Thierry Vircoulon was a technical assistant at the European Union. He writes here in his personal capacity. The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) became a constitutional state on 18 December 2005. The feedback on the electoral monitoring of the constitutional referendum by foreign-based organisations was positive, given, first, concerns about the possibility of holding the referendum as the legal and logistical infrastructure was put in place in a rush and, second, the many security uncertainties. Rumours of blockades and ..
Author Naison NgomaSource: African Security Review 15, pp 124 –127 (2006)More Less
Extracted from text ... African Security Review 15.1 Institute for Security Studies Michael Fowler's book Amateur soldiers, global wars: Insurgency and modern confl ict is probably one of the few comprehensive attempts at seeking a thorough explanation of the nature and character of current confl icts in the world. These have generally characterised the 21st century so far and are typifi ed by the attack on the Twin Towers on 11 September 2001. In this well-written scholarly piece of work, Fowler begins by making an argument for what he sees as global insurgency. He follows this by examining other pertinent issues to the challenges ..
The last 100 days of Abacha : Political drama in Nigeria under one of Africa's most corrupt and brutal military dictatorships, Adeniyi Olusegun : book reviewAuthor Martin R. RupiyaSource: African Security Review 15, pp 128 –132 (2006)More Less
Extracted from text ... African Security Review 15.1 Institute for Security Studies The last 100 days of Abacha: Political drama in Nigeria under one of Africa's most corrupt and brutal military dictatorships* Olusegun Adeniyi After years of colonial-settler rule, one-party-state dominance and military dictatorships, the new African democracies of the 1990s are struggling to foster stable and predictable transfers of power. Exactly where does the problem lie? Current evidence seems to suggest that the characteristic is most evident within the ruling parties as well as the competing political parties. The failure to generate predictable changes in government has created a new sense of insecurity ..
Author Charles GoredemaSource: African Security Review 15, pp 134 –137 (2006)More Less
Extracted from text ... African Security Review 15.1 Institute for Security Studies The publication of Dr Mwenda's book could not have been more timely. It emerged on the eve of the annual meeting of the East and Southern Africa Anti-Money Laundering Group of countries (ESAAMLG), in Livingstone, Zambia. The objectives of the book and its structure are set out in the preface. The book "examines the effi cacy of the institutional and regulatory framework for combating money laundering in Zambia", and in so doing, seeks to expose some of the weaknesses of this framework. (It is unfortunate that the book is not neatly divided ..