African Security Review - Volume 16, Issue 3, 2007
Volume 16, Issue 3, 2007
Whose responsibility to protect? Reflection on the dynamics of an 'abandoned disorder' in Somalia : featuresAuthor Sadiki KokoSource: African Security Review 16, pp 2 –13 (2007)More Less
Since 1991, Somalia has become the epitome par excellence of a collapsed state. In this situation, one is tempted to seek for the spheres or authorities entrusted with the responsibility to protect in that country. The quasi-abandonment of the ongoing 'disorder' in Somalia by major players in the international arena has simply meant the total inability of its Transitional Federal Government to survive a potential withdrawal by Ethiopia. This is compounded by the chronic deficiency of state structures in the country and the virtual Islamist connection to the conflict, which have made otherwise willing African countries hesitate to intervene. This paper uses the case of Somalia to demonstrate that there still is need for the United Nations, the world's major players in the developed community as well as actors within Africa to define clear and equitable standards designed to operationalise this new paradigm.
The responsibility to protect, as enshrined in article 4 of the Constitutive Act of the African Union : featuresAuthor Tim MurithiSource: African Security Review 16, pp 14 –24 (2007)More Less
This paper assesses the emergence of the responsibility to protect (R2P) as an international relations norm. Following a brief discussion of the genesis of this norm, it assesses the key aspects of R2P. It then examines the Constitutive Act of the African Union (2000) to analyse the extent to which R2P is enshrined and implicated in this document. The paper also discusses the extent to which the AU has sought to implement R2P through its commitment to promote peace around the continent where there is a crisis. It concludes with a discussion of whether the AU is in fact committed to R2P.
A critical analysis of Africa's experiments with hybrid missions and security collaboration : featuresSource: African Security Review 16, pp 25 –39 (2007)More Less
In the last decade, the nature of peacekeeping in Africa has changed somewhat, especially the manner in which peacekeeping missions are comprised, funded and driven. What one can observe is that there has been new thinking in the field of peacekeeping where this initiative is driven by states with particular interest in a particular issue(s). This thinking has led, to a certain extent, to the United Nations (UN) de-monopolising peacekeeping and ceding its 'responsibility to protect' to either lead states or regional organisations to deal with crises in respective backyards. In the first instance, 'lead states' have been empowered (financially and militarily) by peacekeeping powers to attend to crises in their respective regions to drive peacekeeping efforts. In the second instance, while financial and military support is not paramount, regional powers have had the blessing of the UN to deal with regional issues and crises in various parts of their respective regions. This situation evidently signifies the shifting nature of peacekeeping on the African continent. On assessing this scenario, the question that emerges in one's mind is where does this leave the UN? Does this mean that the UN and multilateralism is being sidelined in favour of unilateralism? Or does the UN still matter? What is the future of peacekeeping in Africa? These questions and the challenges posed by both the 'old' and 'new' approach to peacekeeping will be analysed in this article.
Author Wafula OkumuSource: African Security Review 16, pp 42 –48 (2007)More Less
In the aftermath of the British security authorities' discovery of two cars laden with gas canisters in central London on 29 June 2007 and the crashing of a car into Glasgow airport, British Security Minister Alan West revealed that the country faced a threat from more than 200 militant cells. Despite these terrorist incidences and the announcement of the Security Minister no country has issued a travel alert or ban to the UK. Similarly, when 52 people were killed by a series of terrorist bombs on 7 July 2005 in London, no travel alerts or bans were imposed on the UK. Notably, these bombings took place when the most powerful leaders of the world were meeting in Gleneagles, Scotland. In a show of solidarity with the British people, these leaders held a joint press conference and issued a stern warning to those planning similar acts.
Source: African Security Review 16, pp 49 –51 (2007)More Less
The Global Peace Index covers 121 countries and was compiled by the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU). The EIU used all its country analysts to gather and score the data, in collaboration with a network of 650 contributors. The index comprises nearly 3 000 data points with another 4 000 relating to the drivers of peace (6 897 points in total). The index was peer reviewed by an international panel of the world's leading experts on peace. African states are indicated by a darker shade.
Author Steven GruzdSource: African Security Review 16, pp 54 –66 (2007)More Less
The African Peer Review Mechanism is a novel system created by Africans to improve governance, promote compliance with global and continental standards and enhance development. Preventing and managing conflict is one of the many objectives of this process. The article examines the connections made between peace, governance and development, and how conflict-related concepts are described and interrogated in the mechanism's self-assessment questionnaire. It analyses and contrasts how the country review reports from Ghana, Kenya and Rwanda have described and assessed conflict issues in practice. On this basis, it asks whether the APRM is incisive enough to promote peace and stability on the continent.
The pitfalls of action and inaction : civilian protection in MONUC's peacekeeping operations : essaysAuthor Joshua MarksSource: African Security Review 16, pp 67 –80 (2007)More Less
This article examines the efforts of the UN mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC) to protect civilians during two periods - its more passive phase from 2000 to 2004 and, since 2005, a more active phase, which included more forceful peace operations. Based on incidents spanning these two periods and an overview of the mission, it can be concluded that MONUC has incorporated civilian protection with great difficulty. Its more passive role failed to protect civilians and undermined the notion of civilian protection, yet its more aggressive operations occasionally led to greater civilian abuse. As civilian protection clauses become more common in UN mission mandates and as missions initiate more robust operations, MONUC's experience offers important lessons for present and future missions.
Author Theo NeethlingSource: African Security Review 16, pp 81 –95 (2007)More Less
Many of the world's poorest states have experienced violent conflict in the past decades and it is today widely accepted that armed conflicts require sustained efforts that address not only the military, but also the political, humanitarian, economic and social dimensions of conflicts. For some years there has been a growing international concern with and emphasis on peacebuilding programming in the area of conflict resolution and peacekeeping. In Sierra Leone, a country that was engulfed in a brutal civil war for more than ten years, peace was hard won - a peace that would not have been possible without the presence and active post-conflict assistance of the United Nations (UN). However, Sierra Leone remains in a precarious state, being one of the poorest countries in the world, and needs the commitment of the international community in ongoing post-conflict peacebuilding to sustain its delicate peace. This article examines the challenges, extent and achievements of peacebuilding programming in Sierra Leone, and assesses the prospects for sustainable peace in this once war-torn West African state.
Conflict prevention and early warning mechanisms in West Africa : a critical assessment of progress : essaysAuthor Issaka K. SouareSource: African Security Review 16, pp 96 –109 (2007)More Less
The popular adage has it that 'prevention is better than cure'. Given the heavy and enduring costs of armed conflicts, there is no disputing the fact that making efforts to prevent them from breaking out in the first place is better than waiting until it is too late. This entails two things: conflict prevention measures and early warning systems. Anything that could be done to effectively address the root causes of a conflict before it turns violent may fit into the former, while the latter aims to identify threats to these elements so that effective conflict prevention measures can be taken. In other words, ensuring 'human security' is the thrust of the former, while the latter serves as a surveillance camera for any deficit in providing the different components of this 'human security'. It is with these two important issues that this essay deals, with particular reference to West Africa.
Author Norbert TothSource: African Security Review 16, pp 112 –116 (2007)More Less
After the decolonisation process had been started, and the Organisation of African Unity was established, some African and European states were searching for the possibility of cooperation. In 1963 the member states of the European Economic Community (including the European Coal and Steel Community), and some African states signed the so-called Convention of Association in Yaoundé. The Yaoundé system was replaced by the Lomé Convention in 1975, because of British accession to the EEC. The Lomé process brought some new elements relating to Euro-African cooperation, for instance the two export-stabilising systems called Stabex and Sysmin, or the question of food security. The Lomé Conventions were in force until 2000, but because of pressure of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) (and the USA), the Lomé system was substituted by the Cotonou Agreement in the same year. The foundation of the African Union in 2000-2001 enabled the European Union to treat its southern neighbour as an equal
Author Joseph Yav KatshungSource: African Security Review 16, pp 117 –122 (2007)More Less
Several interconnected elements have shaped the conflict in the Great Lakes region,including the interests of neighbouring countries, competition over natural and economic resources concerns over instability and lack of security, and ethnic chauvinism, to name but a few. This generally applies to all countries in the region, namely Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Rwanda and Uganda. In addition, these countries are afflicted by poor governance and political opportunism, which leads to military action being used to resolve essentially social, political and economic problems (Cartier-Bresson 2003).
Author Lauren HuttonSource: African Security Review 16, pp 124 –128 (2007)More Less