Journal of African Foreign Affairs - latest Issue
Volume 2, Issue 1_2, 2015
Source: Journal of African Foreign Affairs 2, pp 5 –25 (2015)More Less
Ubuntu is a moral and epistemological theory that has been claimed to inform the moral habits of Africans South of the Sahara. It maintains a philanthropic approach to human conduct based on its humanness ideals. In this setup, human beings are claimed to be considerate of fellow human beings and egoistic tendencies are close to non-existent. In this paper, we explore the basic tenets of Ubuntu and determine whether they are practical or attainable in today's world. The motivation is a suspicion towards the reverence that the theory has received from pan-African scholars who have upheld its existence. In light of the challenges bedevilling sub-Saharan countries such as Zimbabwe, South Africa and others in the 21st century such as dictatorships, human rights abuses, economic hardships, high unemployment rates and xenophobic attacks on fellow Africans we argue that the Ubuntu theory, as a moral standard is either outdated or non-existent in today's African experience. We argue that if Ubuntu is still effective as a moral yardstick, then countries like South Africa would not experience such events as xenophobic attacks on foreign nationals as witnessed in early 2015, or Gukurahundi in Zimbabwe's 1980s past. Also, beggars and people living in the streets would be non-existent due to the philanthropic nature of Africans as Ubuntu advocates claim. In our analysis we reveal that the Ubuntu discourse has become more of an obsolete ideal that may have been present and practical in pre-colonial Africa, and not in 21st century Africa.
Author Shittu RajiSource: Journal of African Foreign Affairs 2, pp 27 –48 (2015)More Less
This work examined the task of developing Africa within the framework of the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) with a view to evaluating the philosophical implications of the programme on sustainable development in the continent. Using secondary source of information, findings from the research reveals that the NEPAD philosophy is primarily anchored on the African ownership and management of its development process, owing to the continent's conviction that no development paradigm can succeed optimally unless it is built on what its people genuinely requires, knows, understands and overwhelmingly controls. However, two major factors; financial constraints and indigenous technical capacity inadequacy have seriously undermined Africa's ownership and control of the NEPAD programme. The programme's adoption of a neo-liberal philosophical development framework, and its main reliance on external funding have also imposed overwhelming hardship on vast majority of Africans owing to the draconian conditionality for the release of such fund by many development partners. Although the shortcomings of a neoliberal development framework is well noted, further findings show that there is no country that can escape from the process because the contemporary imperative to development is premised on sufficient funding, adequate knowledge of scientific and technological know-how all of which are the hallmark of neo-liberalism. Africa thus needs to align its development philosophy with the global best practices in order to achieve the best for its citizens. There is also the need for Africa to re-negotiate the neo-liberal contents in the NEPAD to make the programme more relevant and more responsive to the development aspirations of Africans.
Source: Journal of African Foreign Affairs 2, pp 49 –74 (2015)More Less
Nigeria-South Africa relations date back to the era Nigeria's independence. At the Independence Day address, Nigeria made it clear that Africa is the centrepiece of her foreign policy and the elimination of apartheid in south Africa, her greatest challenge. The then South African government saw that as an affront and regarded Nigeria as a threat and enemy. Such frosty relationship continued till 1992 when President De-Klerk and his entourage stormed Nigeria to embrace each other. Consequently, bilateral relations that could benefit both countries based on their national interest, was initiated. The work reveals that the relations and diplomatic policies was however, threatened during the administrations of Nelson Mandela and Nigeria's dictator, General Sani Abacha but normal relations were restored during the Mbeki and Obasanjo regimes. However, the era of Zuma and Jonathan respectively has being filled with diplomatic challenges. Occasionally, their policies and relations are cordial and at some other times, frosty. This paper examines the relationship that exists between South Africa and Nigeria since the 1990s. It argues that mutual bilateral relations between the two countries could be factored to promote their national interests and thus recommends a more friendly relations that would eliminate frosty policies and strengthen their relationship as they gain more in friendship, being the two strongest economies in Africa.
Author Jideofor AdibeSource: Journal of African Foreign Affairs 2, pp 75 –92 (2015)More Less
The chapter interrogates the 2015 failed military coup in Burkina Faso. It provides a brief history of the country, including its experiences with military coups. It summarises some theoretical explanations of military interventions in African politics and argues that none of the theories can conclusively explain the 2015 failed military coup in the country. Following from this, the chapter focuses on lessons to be learnt from that military misadventure in Burkina Faso.
Source: Journal of African Foreign Affairs 2, pp 93 –112 (2015)More Less
This article explores the trajectories of illicit financial flows in Zimbabwe, with special focus on the post-2000 period. It employs a political economy approach in order to trace the trajectory of illicit financial flows within the broader post-2000 Zimbabwean political economy context that bred these flows. The article argues that although the unprecedented post-2000 socio-economic and political crises provided the opportunities that bred money laundering and illicit financial flows, the problem of illicit flows and corruption broadly should be understood within the context of a predatory nature of the post-colonial Zimbabwean state, which has often relied on coercion and material inducements to promote patronage-driven political corruption. The political economy lens reveals the priority given to politics (power retention and consolidation) over the anti-corruption agenda's utility for the public good, which does not augur well for meaningful attitude changes by elites regarding real or imagined negative consequences of illicit financial flows for Zimbabwe's developmental agenda.