This work provides a critical analysis of the dialectical and organic relationship between the benefits and misfortunes of capitalism and racism as an integral socio-economic part of the South African history since the inception of capitalism and racism in the country in the 15th century. This task is executed by highlighting the importance of the dialectical and organic relationship between race and class. It maintains that the primacy of class over race in terms of importance has existed since the inception of capitalism and racism. The theoretical and practical recognition of the primacy of class over race in terms of importance in the South African political economy is of strategic importance in the struggle for structural socio-economic change and transformation in the country. This struggle constitutes the efforts to solve the structural problem of the benefits of capitalism and racism enjoyed by the decisive minority of its population and their misfortunes confronted or encountered by the decisive majority in the past and present tenses of its history. It maintains that to best and effectively serve the needs and demands of the struggle for structural social change and transformation, whose aim is to end the benefits and misfortunes of capitalism and racism, it is of strategic and tactical importance to dialectically and organically weave the relationship between race and class without departing from the importance of the racial factor in the South African political economy.
This theoretical paper seeks to make a significant contribution to the South African land reform discourses. The paper argues that the pace of land redistribution in South Africa is static, and therefore limits the livelihood choices of most intended beneficiaries of the land reform programme. The primacy of the programme within rural development ought to be measured and assessed through ways in which the land reform programmes conform to and improve the livelihoods, ambitions and goals of its intended beneficiaries without compromising agricultural production and the economy. Additionally, this paper highlights the slow pace of the land reform programme and its implications for the socio-economic transformation of South Africa. The paper concludes by demonstrating the need for a radical approach towards land reform which will not disrupt agricultural production, and further secure support and coordination of spheres of government. The democratic government in South Africa inherited a country which is characterised by extreme racial imbalances associated with social relations to land and overt spatial distortions. Non-white South Africans are spatially plagued with feeling the effects of colonial and apartheid legal enactments which sought to segregate ownership of resources on the basis of race. Consequently, the democratic government is mandated to formulate land reform measures to aid the reversal of colonially fuelled spatial distortions. Thus, coordination between the spheres of government, markets forces and civil society is indispensable in the accomplishment of satisfactory land reform.
The South African government’s mandate was to transform state social policy and correct historic class, racial, gendered and other injustices. The main design patterns of economic and social policy during the 1990s and 2000s, however, can be characterised respectively as ‘neoliberal’ (insofar as they favour the market) and ‘tokenistic’ (insofar as that part of the society that is not served by the market is provided only a small fraction of what it requires to live a decent life). The state has sufficient resources and could tax or prevent profit outflows that would allow surpluses to be redistributed. But as part of a more general tendency to ‘talk left, walk right’, the ruling party has declined to engage in substantive redistribution, risking the ire of its constituencies. The rise of left opposition forces coincides with a new top-down commitment to austerity, one that already began to fray by mid-2016. Only when those forces become more coherent, potentially by the time of the 2019 national election, will a full accounting of the damage of tokenistic social policy be possible, as part of a systemic effort to reverse course.
This paper examines the survival strategies of the unemployed by using the data from the 2008, 2010–2011 and 2012 National Income Dynamics Study. We find that in response to unemployment and almost no unemployment insurance, unemployed individuals look to parents, relatives and friends for economic support. They are more likely to attach themselves to households that have some income through an employed member or receipt of state support. In many cases, the unemployed delay setting up their own households while others move back into family households when faced with persistent unemployment. We use a probit model to show that the unemployed who move are more likely to be employed when interviewed the second or third time. The effects of moving on employment status are significant and positive when we take into account household and individual characteristics. Moving allows the unemployed to get ahead.
Over the past three decades youth participation as a theoretical, practical and policy approach has gained popularity globally. In 1996, South Africa established various youth institutions at national, provincial and local level. This has translated into many adult organisations having to make a shift in their thinking and operations. This includes municipalities at local level. In this paper, I focus on one district municipality in the Limpopo province to examine youth participation practices. I use Driskell and Kudva’s framework of spaces of participation for adult-run organisations seeking to promote youth participation to examine the appropriateness of a municipality as a space for participation practice. My research shows that adult attitudes towards young people can potentially undermine the creation of other participatory spaces However, bounded operational issues can be countered by the structural opportunities existing there.