Conflict Trends - Volume 2013, Issue 3, January 2013

"Syria has become the great tragedy of the century - a disgraceful humanitarian calamity with suffering and displacement unparalleled in recent history." These words were spoken by António Guterres, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Guterres stated this following the release of a UNHCR report indicating that the number of refugees in Syria has passed the two million mark, with almost one million of these refugees being children. Alarmingly, this statistic of two million represents a rise of 1.8 million refugees in 12 months, up from 230 671 refugees reported in the preceding 12 months.

On 23 May 2013, poachers brutally killed a rhinoceros in Lake Nakuru National Park, Kenya. Three days later, poachers attacked and killed two rhinoceroses in two separate incidents: at Solio Ranch near Nyeri in central Kenya, and at Ngulia Rhino Sanctuary in Tsavo West National Park. Just one day later, more poachers shot a rhinoceros at Meru National Park in northern Kenya. On 29 May 2013, two more rhinos were killed on a private ranch in Oserian Wildlife Sanctuary. All told, seven rhinoceroses were killed in less than a week, as poachers stepped up their deadly campaign in Kenya and throughout Africa. As the negative consequences of poaching are felt in Africa and around the world, governments and law enforcement may have a way to counter this threat: the use of unarmed surveillance drones.

On 3 July 2013, General Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi, the commander-in-chief of the Egyptian armed forces, appeared on Egyptian television to announce that Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi had been removed from his post and the constitution suspended. Only 12 months previously, Morsi had stood in Tahrir Square in Cairo after winning Egypt's first free presidential election and had taken an informal oath of office in front of gathered crowds, opening his jacket to show he was not wearing a bulletproof vest. Morsi, a representative of Egypt's largest political organisation, the Muslim Brotherhood, went on to take executive authority from the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, in a historic transfer of power from military to civilian administration. A year later, Morsi's ousting at the hands of the leader of the military council was greeted by celebrations lasting for several days in public squares in Cairo.

Mali has been a battleground for more than a year now. While the armed conflict came in the aftermath of the Libyan crisis that left the regional security environment depleted, it also served as a catalyst for the collapse of state authority in Mali. This created conditions conducive for the proliferation of, and attacks by, radical religious armed groups in the northern regions of the country including the Tuareg armed movement, the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA). But, far from being a new phenomenon, the Tuareg-led armed insurrection in the northern regions is as old as the post-colonial Malian state, and continues to pose tremendous challenges in West Africa and the Sahel region for both regional and extra-regional actors. Currently known as "the belt of insecurity", the Sahel region has been home to some of the longest armed conflicts in African history.

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The recent crisis in the region is seen as one of the most serious since the end of the cold war, with anticipated dire long-term impacts on the security of the region and beyond. But while attention is predominantly focused on defeating the jihadist groups that have threatened the survival of the Malian state, one must not lose sight of the fact that the "Tuareg Factor" - as represented by the rebellion launched by the MNLA - remains serious, both in terms of appreciating the deterioration of the situation and attempting to frame long-lasting solutions. A critical concern is whether the image of victim, projected over the decades by some members of the Tuareg communities, still holds any relevance.

The Republic of South Sudan is a multi-ethnic sovereign entity, consisting of 10 states and comprising a culturally diverse population. While this ethnic diversity speaks to the country's rich national heritage, it has also always been a source of internal ethnic discord in South Sudan. Since South Sudan gained independence on 9 July 2011, the country has witnessed localised inter-ethnic conflicts, most notably arising from disputes rooted in grazing land, cattle raiding and access to natural resources - predominately in Jonglei State of Greater Upper Nile Province. Despite multiple, concerted and ongoing national and local efforts to address the security challenges arising from ethnotribal disagreements, this phenomenon still persists and renders the overall situation rather fragile.

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This article seeks to examine the impact of ethnic conflicts on peace efforts in South Sudan. It argues that the seething inter-ethnic clashes are serious constraints and a source of threat that stands to obfuscate South Sudan's successful transition to sustainable and effective post-conflict recovery and long-term peacebuilding.

There are 3 315 ethnic groups on the African continent that are part of Africa's 54 "nation-states". In recent years, we have witnessed an upsurge of secessionist movements, which have led to the dismemberment of Ethiopia and Sudan. There are calls for secession across the length and breadth of Africa as certain groups feel marginalised from the largesse of the state, whilst others are deemed to be appropriating more than their fair share. The perception is that those monopolising political power (and, therefore, state resources) often belong to a particular ethnic, racial or religious identity. Those opposing and seeking to replace them, meanwhile, also mobilise along similar identity lines. In the meantime, the post-colonial African state has singularly failed to create an overarching national identity and a common citizenship for all those within its territorial boundaries. This tension between the state and various substate identities has been exploited by Islamist groups in Africa, and can be clearly witnessed in Mali and Nigeria.

There is no better way of describing South Africa's past, present and future, as it wrestles with its hold on diversity, social cohesion and integration. These are themes that reverberate through the nation's political narrative - at times petering out and coalescing, and on other occasions coming out asunder.

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The faith in Mandela and his legacy, particularly on these themes, was highlighted recently during the week of his birthday celebrations. In less than 20 years of democratic constitutional rule in South Africa, there has never been such outpouring of love, warmth and support for Mandela in one focused moment in so many places all over the world. Once again, South Africa stood firm and united as the nation and the world pledged to continue working towards the goal of understanding the fullness of humanity. From our disparate ends, we have come to cherish all of Mandela's values: collectivism, truth, justice, non-violence, reconciliation, forgiveness, selfless leadership, patience, diversity and unity, and dialogue.

The existing literature on Africa's decolonisation struggles tends to pay fairly cursory attention to the contribution of women in the liberation movements' struggle for freedom, and as political leaders in their own right in the post-colonial democracy-building experience. Reference to women's contributions also does not quite capture the challenges and realities facing women. This article argues that political parties can be a useful vehicle through which the bane of gender inequality occasioned by social and cultural practices and perpetuated by the limitations of the historiography of African politics can be addressed better. It is in political parties where an ideal understanding that "politics and political parties are not only a male game but for both genders" should be inculcated. In what follows, the history of political parties in Africa is briefly addressed, after which the participation, particularly of women, in political parties as they contribute to the democratisation process, is examined. Is women's participation equal to their male counterparts and if not, what are the grey areas? The article concludes with recommendations.

This year, the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) will start reducing its troop presence, from approximately 8 000 to 3 750. In this context, the government of Liberia, together with the United Nations (UN), is rolling out a network of regional security and justice hubs across the country. The aim is to decentralise security, justice services and personnel to increase citizens' access to justice and avoid the creation of a security vacuum.

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The Regional Hub Project was the centrepiece of the Statement of Mutual Commitment, adopted by the Liberian government and the UN Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) as Liberia was placed on the PBC agenda in 2010. In February 2013, the first regional hub was opened in Gbarnga, Bong County, with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the United Nations Office for Project Services (UNOPS) as implementing partners. It is intended as one of five regional security and justice hubs and will serve communities in Bong, Lofa and Nimba counties - an overall population of over one million people. The five hubs are to be strategically and geopolitically situated throughout the country, with each hub servicing three of Liberia's 15 counties.