The Constitution - Volume 7, Issue 3, 2007
Volume 7, Issue 3, 2007
Author Ben TomolojuSource: The Constitution 7, pp 3 –27 (2007)More Less
The article examines the elite question in the context of their various roles in the underdevelopment of Nigerian culture(s), that they ought to have built upon following independence in 1960. It descriptionbes the origin and foundation of Nigerian elite in the colonial era while capturing their attitudes and nuances which have fostered dependency on the western model of development to the detriment of local cultures and development in Nigeria. It argues that the consequences have been policy stagnation and brain-drain. The article also reflects on the fate of indigenous languages and the challenges of adulteration and extinction facing them, the influx and boom in Nigerian popular culture in the context of globalisation, and economic stabilisation measures and notes that the effort of Nigerian trail-blazers, like Fela Anikulapo Kuti, Rex Lawson, Osita Osadebe and others, and the recent quest by some artists to re-enact authentic Nigerian cultures in their works provide a basis for optimism, despite the debilitating elite culture and local environment. It concludes by discountenancing the absence of governments focus on culture by means of adequate funding of a sector that holds the key to national survival.
Author Tunde AgaraSource: The Constitution 7, pp 28 –48 (2007)More Less
This article examines the dynamics of the Nigerian elite and the travails of the countrys democracy. It does this by recourse to elite theory. It argues that the political space is a closed one which precludes elite renewal thereby accounting for the instability which has dogged the polity. It concludes with emphasis on inclusiveness as a necessity for the development of Nigerian democracy.
Author Kehinde A. BolajiSource: The Constitution 7, pp 49 –69 (2007)More Less
This article deals with the elite and their role in democratic state building in Nigeria between 1999 and 2007. Employing the rational choice approach, it shows how elite interests, especially the governing elite engender antidemocratic behaviour manifest in flagrant violations of the rule of law. The consequence, it argues, is the reproduction of weak democratic institutions, such as the executive, legislator, and judiciary. This situation is not helped by the prevalence of a weak civil society. It concludes with a clarion call on the elite to be more attuned to developmental politics to enhance the integrity of the democratic process in Nigeria.
Author Olarinmoye Omobolaji OloladeSource: The Constitution 7, pp 70 –86 (2007)More Less
The political elite in Nigeria constitute the countrys Power elite. The paper argues that any attempt to understand the nature and activities of the political elite should concentrate on making sense of the process of ethnic mobilisation. Using the Yoruba as a case study, it shows how specific elite gain control of the agenda/goal selling and realisation apparatus of an ethnic group through ethnic mobilisation. Such control then acts as the platform for ensuring group support for ethnic political elite is quest for state political power. The political elite in Nigeria maintain their prominence only if they share a common interest, meet the demands of consensual domination (ensure that every one benefits from elite control of state power), continue to exhibit astute skill in the manipulation of ethnic symbols and sentiments and create institutions that act as arenas for the training of future political elite.
Elite and the political economy of infrastructural development of state universities in the Niger DeltaAuthor William EhwariemeSource: The Constitution 7, pp 87 –105 (2007)More Less
The infrastructural inferiority of Nigeria sthird generation universities (most of which are state owned) to either the first or second generation ones is easily recognisable. This study examines the existing state of poor infrastructural development In state-owned universities of the Niger Delta states of Bayelsa, Delta and Edo. The Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma; Delta State University, Abraka; and Niger Delta University, Wilberforce Island are chosen as case studies, and by means of participant-observer approach and the method of unstructured interviews as well as the use of primary data (official documents) and secondary data (newspapers and magazines), the study reveals that political struggles among educated elite, military rule, corruption and weakness of civil society are the major causes of the poor and slow pace of development of state - owned universities in Nigeria. However, it concludes by a call for in-depth interrogation of the corruption problematic because regardless of the presence of corruption in the civilian administrations of the first republic, the administrations were still able to build landmark university infrastructures to their credit.
Source: The Constitution 7, pp 106 –119 (2007)More Less
This article synthesises the viewpoints of scholars on the Nigerian university system. The viewpoints are drawn largely from published opinions and reminiscences of scholars whose views are represented here. They converge in the depth of their perception of the state of the Nigerian university system, its rot and causality. For effect, the article is prefaced by a long fictive piece titled 'Teacher 'taken from this writers work, 'Our Colony '. The objective is to advance the elite theme by reflecting on how the political leadership and academics themselves have contributed to the malaise in the countrys educational system, especially its tertiary institutions. The article, however, concludes that it is only adequate funding that can halt the decline in the education sector.
Source: The Constitution 7, pp 120 –156 (2007)More Less
The Special Security Committee on Oil Producing Areas was set up by the Federal Government to address the prevailing situation in the oil-producing areas which have, in recent past, witnessed unprecedented vandalisation of oil pipelines, disruptions, kidnapping, extortion and a general state of insecurity especially of the oil and gas industry. Apart from government's genuine desire to get to the root causes of restiveness in the oil producing areas, the crucial role of oil and gas to the national economy and the negative impact that the crises in the area is bound to foist on the image of the country, has impelled government, as a matter of overriding national importance, to beam a searchlight on the oil-producing areas in the quest for solutions. Hence the establishment of the Special Security Committee on Oil Producing Areas (The Committee). This report brings together the findings of the committee and comprises two volumes - Volume I contain an analysis of the situation, while Volume IT contains a detailed account of the visits to the nine oil producing states and views expressed by the various stakeholders.