Journal for Contemporary History - Volume 31, Issue 1, 2006
Volume 31, Issue 1, 2006
Author M.K. IngleSource: Journal for Contemporary History 31, pp 1 –16 (2006)More Less
A search for 'gender' or 'women' on the official New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD 2001a) website yields little more than the following: "Women who constitute a critical mass in the continent must have a central, critical and decisive role in the implementation and success of NEPAD. We must all play an advocacy role for this important component of the African society in the process of the evolution of NEPAD, as this is not a static programme."
Author Joseph SmilesSource: Journal for Contemporary History 31, pp 17 –28 (2006)More Less
The rationale of the Third Way initiative is that both the ruling party, Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and the opposition, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), have proved inept at dealing with Zimbabwe's political quagmire, and therefore there is a need for a third option to effect change. This essential argument in Zimbabwean politics, is to triumphantly challenge the contestation between ZANU-PF and the MDC in the interest of sovereignty, democracy and economic development.
Mining, migration and misery : exploring the HIV / AIDS nexus in the Free State Goldfields of South AfricaSource: Journal for Contemporary History 31, pp 29 –48 (2006)More Less
Over the past few years a growing body of literature has explored the link between patterns of HIV / AIDS in South Africa and the system of migrant labour which is inextricably linked to the mining industry (Horwitz 2001; Jack 2001; Lurie 2000; Pelser 2003). A historical look at patterns of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) reveals a complex network of sexual relations in which migrants and their partners are at a higher risk of contracting HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases than other couples.
Author P. LabuschagneSource: Journal for Contemporary History 31, pp 49 –61 (2006)More Less
Shakespeare once questioned the importance attached to a name because he argued that a rose with a different name would smell just as sweet. With reference to the prospective name change of Pretoria to Tshwane it is however undoubtedly true that for many this name change will be a matter of "not smelling so sweet". The ongoing process of name changes that are taking place in South Africa is drawing strong response from many quarters.
The provision of sports facilities and the management of sports participation in Mangaung, 1945-1990Author Charl Le RouxSource: Journal for Contemporary History 31, pp 62 –80 (2006)More Less
The backlog in the provision of sport facilities for Mangaung dated back to as early as 1890 when the City Council of Bloemfontein first revealed its unsympathetic and unhelpful attitude towards requests by the residents for sports facilities. The residents soon realized, in the absence of any official policy declarations or legislation, that they were solely responsible for the financing of their sports facilities and the management thereof - a situation that only eased somewhat after the promulgation of the Natives (Urban Areas) Legislation of 1923 and 1945, compelling local authorities to meet their sport obligations towards the black residents under their control.
Author Andre WesselsSource: Journal for Contemporary History 31, pp 81 –98 (2006)More Less
Through the ages naval contact between countries has led to the strengthening of diplomatic - and often also other - relations. When a littoral state receives no, or very few, naval visitors, it could be a reflection of that country's relative unimportance internationally and / or of the fact that, for whatever reason(s), the country has been isolated internationally. On the other hand, regular flag-showing visits by foreign warships (the so-called "grey diplomats") can be indicative of a country's important strategic position, and / or of the fact that it is an important role-player, either regionally or even internationally. Since 1652, when Europeans first established a refreshment station at the Cape, warships of many nations have visited this part of the world, and in due course also the other harbours that were created in what is today the Republic of South Africa. It is the purpose of this study (that will be published in three parts) to review overseas flag-showing visits to South African ports. In the first article a brief summary will be supplied of the events in the era stretching from 1652 to 1910; a little more detail will be supplied with regard to the period 1910 to 1945; and the emphasis will be placed on the post-World War II era (until 1961). In the articles that will follow, the flag-showing visits that took place in the periods 1961 to 1994 and 1994 to 2004 will be analysed.
Arms acquisition and procurement in South Africa : the socio-history of arms deals with reference to attitudes, strengths and limitations in decision-making (1935-2004) (II)Source: Journal for Contemporary History 31, pp 99 –112 (2006)More Less
This article follows on an earlier contribution that appeared in the previous edition of this journal (2005). The previous delivery discussed the secretive mindset of arms acquisition and procurement that marked the apartheid era. References were made to the pre-1948 approach under the Union of South Africa's leadership and the apartheid authoritarian and secrecy-driven approaches. The article also referred to the role of influential political leaders in the process. The article addresses in more detail the historical differences between arms acquisition before 1948 (especially during the Second World War) and the role of political leaders such as Genl. Smuts at the time. These approaches are contrasted with the secretive, centralised and one-sided decision-making process of the apartheid government. Lastly the impact of past approaches on the current context of arms procurement deserves attention.
Source: Journal for Contemporary History 31, pp 113 –128 (2006)More Less
Without presenting an in-depth discussion on the system of government of South Africa as contained in the respective constitutions of 1990, 1983 and 1960, it is adequate for our purposes to state that, historically speaking, South Africa had a parliamentary system of government. With the new constitutional dispensation the question arises whether the system of government has changed. To answer this important question the following discussion will firstly concentrate on a theoretical framework identifying the core characteristics of a parliamentary and a presidential system. Secondly, an analysis of the South African Constitution (1996) according to the above-mentioned characteristics of a parliamentary and a presidential system, will clearly indicate that the South African constitutional dispensation is still characterised by a parliamentary system of government.
Source: Journal for Contemporary History 31, pp 129 –143 (2006)More Less
In the current political situation in South Africa we find that members of a certain political party leave its ranks to join another party - this happens without much ado. Politicians easily swop their political ideals for others - this has become common political practice. In the earlier political history of South Africa it was a different story. The establishment of the United South African Party in 1934 united General JBM Hertzog's National Party and General JC Smuts' South African Party. The Nationalists under Dr DF Malan was of the opinion that the fusion of "nationalism" and "imperialism", being the outlook of the two different united groups, would not be successful. This would also require the nationalistic and republican icon, Genl. JCG Kemp, who sided with Hertzog, to become "converted". His tough republican view had to change. The question can be posed: did he change or not?
Author H.O. TerblancheSource: Journal for Contemporary History 31, pp 144 –161 (2006)More Less
The death of the Rev. HJ (Allan) Hendrickse, former leader of the Labour Party of South Africa, on 16 March 2005, reopened the whole controversy regarding participation in the Tricameral Parliament. This article focuses on the reasons why Hendrickse and the Labour Party opted for participation. It highlights seven reasons. Hendrickse based his political strategy partly on an essay that Nelson Mandela had written in 1958 in which he stated his belief that the democratic and progressive movement should also have a voice in Parliament. This article also focuses on the fruits of participation. According to Hendrickse, the purpose of their participation was to dismantle apartheid. He firmly believed that a number of apartheid acts were removed because of their presence. He strongly stressed the fact that because of the Labour Party's participation in the Tricameral Parliament, there was a political cross-pollination which inter alia paved the way for the new South Africa. After his death he was lauded by Pres. Thabo Mbeki for the role that he had played.
The incorporation of Botshabelo into the former Qwaqwa homeland : a logical consequence of the apartheid system?Source: Journal for Contemporary History 31, pp 162 –177 (2006)More Less
South Africa becoming a democratic country in 1994 saved Botshabelo, a town-ship 55 kilometers from Bloemfontein, from incorporation into the former home-land of Qwaqwa. Qwaqwa was formely the Witsieshoek reserve in the eastern part of the Free State Province. Two tribal authorities were established in the area while it was still a reserve in 1953, but later these tribal authorities became known as regional authorities in 1962.