Journal of Nation-building & Policy Studies - latest Issue

It is a pleasure to introduce the ROGAN Leadership Foundation’s Journal of Nation Building & Policy Studies (JoNPS) . This biannual, peer reviewed journal provides an exciting opportunity for exploring academic and policy perspectives across various disciplines and issues on nation-building.

Like most states in the developing world, Nigeria was a product of an end to colonial domination, which saw the mashing up of various ethnicities and nationalities without consulting those affected directly. This act of amalgamation arguably birthed the inter-tribal, ethnic or communal conflicts that has plagued Africa’s most populous nation and hindered the attainment of an all-inclusive political community and prospects of national development. In response, nation building elites constitutionally conceived the principle of federal character aimed at amongst other functions, ensue for equitable redistribution of wealth and facilitate for access to resources across the underlying ethnic tribes that make up Nigeria. Decades after it adoption, Nigeria’s several attempt at attaining an all-inclusive political community remains largely unresponsive. In lieu, the study having objectively analyse the subject matter of federal character principle, posits ethnicity as a major impediment to national inclusion, integration and development as it also proposes for a review of the federal character principle, terming it as largely inefficient and unable to produce expected outcomes.

Nigeria bleeds on multiple points as a result of violent conflicts and a dysfunctional polity. Most of these are as a result of policies, actions and inactions of the government over time. The methodology employed is critical analysis of secondary data. This paper argues with empirical examples that governance is at the centre of the protractedness of conflicts and dysfunctionality in the country, as both the creator and sustainer. It posits that conflict-insensitivity on the part of government and the resulting violent conflicts threaten sustainable peace and encumber nation building. Thus, for meaningful nation building in Nigeria, there is need for government at all levels and policy makers to consciously become conflict sensitive.

Failed states or failing states as the case may be, appear to be a potential threat to other states in the international system. This can be likened to the fact that the world as of today is a global village where, what affects one state can have a corollary effect on other states. Going by the Fragile State Index of 2017 proposed by The Fund for Peace, Nigeria is ranked 13^th for the second time in a row thus meeting with the 12 failed state index criteria. More alarming is the category she is found. Nigeria is spotted to be amongst states like Chad, Guinea, Republic of Congo, and South Sudan to mention a few with an indicator of high alert. Using Conflict Contagion theory and secondary sources of data collection, the paper observed that the failure of a state can be of dire consequences to contiguous states. It also noted that porous border has the tendency of fast tracking state failure. The paper concluded that the characteristics of a failed or failing state, exhibited by Nigeria is not enough to cause a collapse. However, measures such as the strengthening of her institutions, good governance and less dependence on foreign aids are needed to lift Nigeria from the negative category of “high alert” in the Failed State Index to the positive “stable” category in a bid to save her from imminent collapse.

Ethno-nationalism has been a feature of the Nigerian state prior to independence and the phenomenon unarguably has undermined nation building and national integration due to poor management. Ethno-nationalism has come to be viewed from a negative angle in Nigeria. The paper argued that although ethno-nationalism has negated nation-building in Nigeria, it could be deployed for national integration and unity. The paper employed the Modernisation theory that sees ethno-nationalism as part of the larger problem of nation building. Secondary sources of data were used. The Internet also served as additional source of secondary material. Data sourced were qualitatively analysed using logical deductions and inferences. The paper noted that contributed to the granting of Nigeria’s independence and also provides a sort of self-esteem for the various ethnic groups in Nigeria. The paper observed that growing spate of ethno-nationalism has thwarted efforts at national integration and development in Nigeria in the post-independence years. It has created the use of violence and hate speeches in inter-ethnic conflict as well as made a mockery of equity, fairness and justice in Nigeria. The farmers–herdsmen conflict has ethnic undertone. In addition, Ethno-nationalism has exacerbated socio-economic inequality and disunity as well as promotes corruption in Nigeria. Finally, the paper proffered some strategies for improve inter and intra ethnic relations for nation building in Nigeria. These measures include greater devolution of power from the Federal Government to other federal units and the establishment of more social safety nets to mitigate the pervasive poverty and unemployment in Nigeria among others. The paper submits that ethno-nationalism has undermined the prospects and process of nation building in Nigeria but could be leveraged with purposeful nationalistic leadership to create political, social and economic unity in Nigeria.

This paper challenges the popular view that Nigeria’s colonial provenance and heterogeneity render her fundamentally unviable as a nation-state. It argues that nation-building is an intentional project of socio-political engineering driven by elites and explores three techniques of nation-building that have been applied in other diverse societies namely the formulation of a transcendent national mythology, strategic social investments that serve as symbols of national unity and the definition of an external adversary in geostrategic terms. This paper assesses the history of these techniques in Nigeria and their prospects as mechanisms for deepening national integration.

Protocol, 

1. Like it is in every endeavour at building a great edifice, the task of nation-building is certainly not a stroll in the park.

2. While it is not entirely devoid of conflict because conflict is inevitable in every human society, nation-building requires a clearly defined vision that is understood, shared and owned by all.

Appreciation 

My profound appreciation for the extended invitation. 

Round Table Context 

This round table is taking place at an interesting time. In Nigeria, the nation-wreckers are on parole and on the offensive too. “Arise O’ Compatriots Arise, O’ compatriots Nigeria's call obey, To serve our fatherland, With love and strength and faith”! It is therefore commendable that Rogan Foundation members have risen to promote discussions on nation building in place of agonising about national melt down. To do otherwise, we are permanently hunted by the specters of pension (Maina!) scam, the IDP racketeering (grass-cutting scandal), EFCC/DSS inter agency-shoot-outs, personalisation of governance discourse (Buhari-Atiku diatribes!), serial public cash seizures, Jonathan-Shetima smear allegations and counter allegations, deepening energy poverty (read; power failure!), mass factories’ closures and mass job losses. As Rogan Foundation convenes, as much as $321 million out of $2.2 billion in public funds stolen by former Military dictator Sani Abacha was expected to be returned to Nigeria.

Nigeria today is trapped in the cusps of protests and agitations, sometimes violent and sometimes peaceful. It is arguable that, perhaps except in the heyday of Abacha’s brutal military dictatorship, Nigeria has never faced this degree of militant opposition against it by its citizens and citizens groups. Different social and political groups are challenging the legitimacy and utility of the Nigerian state. There are many ways to interpret the resurgence of insurgences and political militancy in Nigeria, even as the country progresses into liberal democracy. One explanation could be that liberal democracy is not compatible with our socioeconomic realities. This would be the cultural relativist argument. It builds on the insight of cultural anthropologist and ethnologists, like Ruth Benedicts and Melville J. Herskovits, on richness and equal merit of divergent cultures of non-western society. This cultural relativist position is bolstered by the views of the founder and builder of modern Singapore, Lew Kuan Yew, that the Asian success story is due to its avoidance of democracy and leveraging on Asia’s authoritarian culture. The growth of democracy is seemingly strange lands undermine this thesis. Today, we are in the era of democracy as all continents in the world can count on the fingers non-democratic regimes. We are at the age of globalisation of democracy; even it is mostly formal democracy.

Separatism is the advocacy of a state of cultural, ethnic, tribal, religious, racial, governmental or gender separation from the larger group. While this term often refers to struggle for full political secession, separatist groups may sometimes seek nothing more than greater autonomy for themselves. Yearnings for independence, separatism or resistance to domination are as old as mankind.

Nation Building is the subject of critical discourse on post-colonial Africa by Basil Davidson. In this critical discourse context, Davidson’s perspectives on nation building in Africa could assume a number of possible postures. For this review, they may be referred to as ‘Nationbuilding as it should not be for post-colonial Africa.’ 

Davidson’s seminal book, which he regarded as one whose pages ‘offer the conclusions of a lifetime’, deserves yet another review despite several others. This is necessitated by the turn of events in the name of ‘nation-building’.